I agree with Mr. McGhee that in
working out our tactics on Chinese representation in the United Nations
we should not consider this issue in vacuo but in relation to the other
important problems which we face in the area, and that the offshore
islands are one of the most important of these. To the extent feasible,
it would clearly be desirable to handle the representation issue in a
way that will not jeopardize our long-run purpose of disengaging from
these islands. For the following reasons, however, I am not persuaded by the arguments
advanced by Mr. McGhee in this
connection on behalf of the successor state formula as opposed to the
FE-IO
proposal that Communist China be required to apply for United Nations
membership as a new state.
Mr. McGhee argues that following
the tactical approach proposed by FE and
IO would mean that we would have to
expend our bargaining power with the GRC
in an effort to gain its cooperation, leaving us little leverage for use
in seeking to effect GRC evacuation of
the offshore islands. The weakness of this argument, in FE's view, is that we possess very limited
practical leverage vis-a-vis the GRC on
the offshore islands question in any case. President Chiang has repeatedly made it clear both
privately and publicly that he will not abandon this territory, but will
defend the islands regardless of United States support. Retention of the
islands is a matter integrally related to the GRC's national existence, as it conceives it, and in FE's opinion no inducements we could offer
or pressures we might threaten to exert would at this time serve to
alter its position.
Secondly, in seeking to persuade the GRC
to adopt a posture in the United Nations necessary to ensure the success
of the new state tactic advocated by FE
and IO we would certainly have to expect
to use up some bargaining power, as Mr. McGhee points out. The important point, however, is
that, assuming we deal with it with understanding, tact, and patience,
there is some chance that the GRC will
in the end be willing to cooperate with us in employing this tactic. On
the other hand in FE's judgment, there
are definite limits to the GRC's
tactical flexibility, and we see virtually no chance of its accepting
the successor state formula which envisages automatic seating of
Communist China. If faced with the prospect of action embodying such an
approach, the GRC would probably
withdraw from the United Nations (at least from the General Assembly),
leaving a clear field to Peiping. FE can
see no bargaining counters available to us that would be sufficient to
induce the GRC to cooperate with us on
the basis of this formula.
Lastly, Mr. McGhee's memorandum
suggests that the leading role that the United States would have to play
in seeking to handle the Chinese representation issue in the tactical
manner proposed by FE and IO would create a maximum of domestic
political difficulty for the Administration. In my opinion any such
difficulty would be mild compared to that involved in adopting the
successor state approach. The latter would require the United States at
least to acquiesce in the automatic seating of Communist China, which
would be certain to evoke strong criticism from a large segment of the
American people. Under the FE-IO formula, on the other hand, the United
States would be free to maintain its stand that Communist China is not
qualified for membership in the United Nations and to oppose its
seating.
* Source: Department of State, Central Files,
303/4-1561. Secret. Drafted by Lutkins, cleared in draft by
Sullivan, and initialed by Rusk, indicating that he had seen it.
1McGhee's April 3
memorandum to Rusk
commented on a March 24 memorandum from Legal Adviser Abram Chayes to Cleveland and a March 28
memorandum from Parsons
to Cleveland on the
Chinese representation issue. (All are ibid., S/P Files: Lot 67 D 548, China,
1959-1961)