Mr. Pruyn to Mr.
Seward
No. 12.]
Legation of the United States in
Japan,
Kanagawa,
March 16, 1865.
Sir: I have the honor to enclose copies of the
minute of a conference recently held with the Gorogio by her Britannic
Majesty’s chargé d’affaires and the political agent of the Netherlands,
and also of a memorandum submitted by them on that occasion, and of
their letter to me communicating the same, (enclosures 1,2 and 3.)
Two subjects of common interest were considered on that occasion: one, an
alleged attempt to create a government monopoly of silk; the other
having reference to what they said they felt justified in declaring to
be the desire of their government as to the final disposition of the
obligations assumed by the Tycoon in and by the convention recently
concluded with the four powers.
I was at Yedo on the day the British chargé d’affaires left for that
city, and was not aware of his design to call the attention of the
Gorogio to these subjects, which Mr. Winchester states was owing to the
detention of a letter which he sent to the consul general of Holland,
then also in Yedo, asking him to consult me. But on the eve of his
departure for Yedo Mr. Winchester had an interview with the French
minister, when the latter disavowed any such design as being entertained
by himself, and he, therefore, now feels aggrieved at the formal
presentation of the subject to the Gorogio after such disavowal, not
only as a discorteous act, but as one rather discrediting the sincerity
of his disavowal; when, therefore, the Gorogio unexpectedly declared
they had the right to purchase silks for sale abroad, and the
representatives of Great Britain and Holland had presented their
memorandum protesting against the same, it became necessary for them to
obtain the co-operation of their colleagues, with which they had till
that time believed they could dispense. The minister of France when
waited on by them after their return from Yedo, condemned their course
with considerable warmth, and declined sanctioning the memorandum by his
approval. I expressed myself willing to meet my colleagues and join in a
memorandum which should be free from the objections which I pointed out
as attaching to the one they had presented. When they subsequently
transmitted [Page 241] the letter and
copies above referred to, the minister of France proposed that we should
answer the same jointly, though we agreed in considering the memorandum
objectionable in itself, and also in regretting that separate action had
been taken. I preferred not to do so, fearing it might create some
serious differences, and might connect me with personal difficulties the
issue of which I could not foresee and would be powerless to
control.
I have reason to know that my representations and mediation have tended
greatly to moderate the reply of the French minister and to soften the
asperity of feeling which at one time appeared to threaten an
interruption of our harmonious action.
I also enclose, No. 4, copy of my letter to Messrs. Winchester and
Polsbroek in reply, and No. 5, copy of note verbale of the French
minister in reply to the same.
I thought it best not to enter into any extended discussion of the
memorandum, but will ask my colleagues to join in a note to the Japanese
government, which shall be more precise, and which will not justify the
adoption of measures by the Japanese government which the
representatives of Great Britain and Holland have inadvertently conceded
it may legitimately adopt, such as either the direct increase of export
and import duties, which is declared to be the right of all governments
on the indirect increase of the former by the imposition of transit
duties, the exercise of both of which rights must be regarded as
restrained by existing treaties, and to that extent extinguished. The
papers transmitted require no further notice. I hope the President will
think I have acted with discretion, and that it was well not to make
this separate action the subject of more serious complaint. My letter
was framed with the design to permit such explanation as might
re-establish harmony, though I was sensible it was, to say the least,
indelicate to forestall the action of the four powers in reference to a
convention, which may even now be under consideration.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient
servant,
ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident in
Japan.
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State.
No. 1.
Mr. Winchester and Mr. Polsbroek
to Mr. Pruyn
Kanagawa,
March 11, 1865.
Sir: We have the honor to wait on you with
copies of a minute of what took place at an interview we had with
the Gorogio on the 6th instant, and of a memorandum which we thought
it right to present to them, consequent on the reply to our request
for information, on the subject to which the said memorandum
relates.
Copies of this document have been transmitted to our colleague, the
minister plenipotentiary of France.
Be good enough to accept the assurance of our highest consideration,
while we have the honor to be your most obedient, humble
servants,
CHARLES A. WINCHESTER, Her Britannic
Majesty’s Chargé d’Affaires in Japan.
D. DE GRAEFF VAN POLSBROEK, Political
Agent and Consul General of the
Netherlands.
His Excellency Robert P. Pruyn,
Minister Resident of the United
States.
No. 2.
Minute of a
conference held at Yedo on
the 6th March, 1865.
Present: Midsuno Idlumi No Kami and Suwa Inaba No Kami, ministers,
and Sakai Hida No Kami, vice-minister, on the part of the Japanese
goovernment, and Charles A. Winchester, [Page 242] her Britannic Majesty’s chargé d’affaires, and
D. de Graeff van Polsbroek, consul general and political agent of
the Netherlands.
After the usual interchange of compliments, the British chargé
d’affaires opened the conference by announcing the return of Sir
Rutherford Alcock to Japan, and the approval by his government of
the policy pursued by him with regard to the late Japanese affairs,
which intelligence was received by the Japanese ministers with much
appearance of interest, and inquiries were made as to the probable
date of his return.
The British chargé d’affaires then, while thanking the Japanese
ministers in the name of his government for the energetic steps
taken by them in bringing to justice one of the principals in the
murder of the two British officers at Kamakura, inquired whether any
traces had been discovered of Sakahashi Togiro, the other assassin,
to which the minister replied that Simidlu Seiji must have given a
false name of his accomplice, as no such name as Sakahashi Togiro
was known to them. No effort, they said, would, however, be spared
to discover and punish this criminal.
The gold watch sent out by the British government for the Prince of
Matunai for services rendered to the British barque Egeria was then
handed over to the Japanese minister, with some appropriate remarks
as to the degree in which the British government appreciated the
kind treatment which, on various occasions, had been received by
shipwrecked crews on the Japanese shores.
Next came the Hakodate and Nagasaki complaints, respecting privileges
enjoyed by the Chinese in purchasing and exporting anati, and irico,
and other important articles, which could not be obtained, except
with great difficulty, by the subjects of treaty powers. The foreign
representatives present pointed out to the Gorogio the injustice of
this monopoly which had been granted to subjects of a new treaty
power, and stated that it created constant difficulties and led to
an organized system of native smuggling. The Chinese, they said,
were quite as well able to pay for such articles as they required as
other nations. When Japan was opened by the treaty of 1858, the
trade with Holland, which had formerly been one of government’s,
ceased to be so, and the continuance of a government contract
favorable to the Chinese but prejudicial to all other nations, was
totally opposed as well to the principles embodied in, as to the
express provisions of, the treaties. Representatives present were
ready to admit that immediate interests might require special
consideration, but these would be better provided for out of the
produce of a regular and authorized duty to be levied during transit
of these articles, than by the continuance of a contract opposed to
sound policy and treaty rights.
The ministers stated in reply that the matter would be duly inquired
into, and that instructions would be sent to the governors of
Nagasaki and Hakodate to remove their cause of complaint.
Foreign representatives present, while declaring themselves satisfied
with this reply, said they had another and very important subject to
bring under the notice of the Japanese government, and one which
they considered of such importance that they now thought it their
duty to ask for information from the Gorogio. Certain rumors, which
had caused much disquietude, had reached them of a project having
been formed for the consignment of large quantities of silk and ova
to one market in Europe for the purchase of vessels, arms,
ammunition, &c.
The Japanese ministers did not deny the existence of some such
project, and said they considered that Japan was perfectly at
liberty to make contracts with any nation for the supply of
vessels-of-war, arms, and other warlike stores, and to pay such
contracts by the surplus of produce not required for home
consumption in the same manner as they formerly used to deal with
the Dutch government.
Hereupon the Dutch consul general observed that the ministers were in
error, inasmuch as since the date of the present treaties Japan had
never had any direct trade with the Dutch government; for they must
remember, he said, that even for the old contracts remittances had
to be made, not in produce but in dollars, through the Dutch Trading
Company, and that since the treaties were in operation the trade had
been given over to individuals. The projects rumored led to the idea
virtually of a monopoly which Japan was going to establish in favor
of one market—a proceeding which he and his British colleague were
bound to oppose. The subject was of vital importance for the trade
of the subjects of their Majesties the Queen and the King and all
other treaty powers, and if the Gorogio could not give the assurance
that such projects were not in existence, or would not be
prosecuted, so as to guarantee the non-recurrence of the silk
restrictions of 1863 and 1864, they had no alternative but to refer
the matter to their respective governments as inconsistent with the
rights acquired by their subjects under treaties. As the time would
not allow any lengthened discussion of this important point, his
British colleague and himself had, in the event of receiving such an
answer as the above from the Gorogio, drawn up a memorandum setting
forth their views upon the subject. The said memorandum, signed, in
the Dutch language, with a Japanese paraphrase, was then delivered
to the first minister, who, in the name of the Gorogio, replied that
he had perfectly understood what the two foreign representatives
present had said, and that they might feel assured that the subject
would receive the consideration it deserved.
It was then suggested, on the other part, that a governor for foreign
affairs should shortly be sent to Yokohama, in order to discuss the
subject with the foreign ministers generally.
[Page 243]
Subsequently the two representatives present informed the Gorogio
that, though no instructions had been received as to the convention
of October last, they had been made acquainted with the views of
their respective governments as to the alternative condition which
left to the option of the Japanese government the opening of
Simonoseki, or some other eligible port in the inland sea, in lieu
of indemnity money, and were justified in stating that the same was
unobjectionable.
The Japanese observed, in reply, that this was a point which required
consideration, and which should be deferred till the return of the
two members of the Gorogio who had been sent by the Tycoon on a
special mission to the Mikado.
In conclusion, the two representatives present remarked that the time
had arrived for reestablishing foreign legations at Yedo, and that
the government of the Tycoon was now considered strong enough to
remove all obstacles to the permanent residence of foreign
diplomatic agents in the capital.
The Japanese minister replied, this was another point which they
could not undertake to discuss until the members of the Gorogio were
complete; if the message to Kioto was successful, there should, on
their part, be no difficulty in settling the question of the foreign
legations. Representatives were aware that since the past year a
good deal had been done towards tranquillizing the country, and if
the treaty powers would only give them a few months’ more time,
order and peace might be sufficiently restored so as to afford
better security to the foreign agents in the Tycoon’s capital.
The conference ended by the presentation of Commodore Montressor,
commanding British squadron, and Colonel Browne, commandant of the
British troops, with their respective staffs.
As reported by me:
MARTIN DOHMEN, Acting Japanese Secretary
to her Britannic Majesty’s
Legation.
Yedo,
March 6, 1865.
Countersigned by—
Charles A. Winchester,
Her Britannic Majesty’s Chargé d’ Affaires in
Japan.
D. de Graeff van Polsbroek,
Consul General and Political Agent of the
Netherlands in Japan.
True copy:
MARTIN DOHMEN.
No. 3.
Memorandum.
The rumors which now prevail with respect to the existence of an
extensive design for the purchase of the raw silk and silk-worms’
eggs of Japan, and despatching these to one particular market, to
lay down funds required for the completion of contracts entered into
on behalf of the Japanese government in that country, are of a
nature calculated to create anxiety.
These rumors have been steadily on the increase, though they have not
assumed such a shape as to require the use, in speaking of them, of
individual names; still, from their character and persistence, the
undersigned are justified in applying to the Japanese government for
general information as to whether any projects of the kind have been
formed, and their nature, because, if the Japanese government is not
able to assure the undersigned that such designs have not been or
will be formed, it would be the duty of the undersigned to point out
the difficulties which such plans are certain to create, and adopt,
in doing so, the weightiest form of remonstrance.
The silk restrictions of 1863 and 1864, which consisted in the
detention of that article at Yedo, were clearly contrary to
treaties, which provide that (Art. xiv, British treaty) foreign
merchants shall be allowed to trade freely with Japanese merchants
in all lawful articles according to the stipulations in the treaties
and the regulations.
There is not the slightest disposition on the part of the undersigned
to complain of the selection by the Japanese government of any
partial country for the supply of its stores, ships, and munitions;
neither of the bringing of silk into open markets at Yokohama and
the other ports is not interfered with, is there any objection to
the Japanese government sending home silk instead of dollars to pay
for their contracts. The experience of all commercial countries
proves, beyond doubt, that it is neither wise nor prudent in a
government to make themselves merchants. Whenever a government is
known to be in the market to buy anything, the price is sure to
rise; if it wishes to sell, it is equally sure to fall, through the
tricks of individual merchants, who are always jealous of government
as competitors, and never think it any sin to fleece them. But both
governments and individuals have to pay for their experience, and
only learn to abide by true principles when they find it is more
costly to deviate from than to adhere to them.
But this is not what the reports point to.; they mean a repetition of
the restrictions of these last years, namely, that the native
merchants are not to be allowed to bring their silk to Yokohama till
they have first sold as much as the government wants at a lower
price. Now [Page 244] this is simply
a repetition of the silk restrictions of 1863 and 1864, with the
single difference that its effect is to create a total or partial
monopoly in favor of the country to which the silk is destined.
The effect on the merchants of other foreign countries settled in
Japan is the same. There is no free market for the purchase of silk
to which the Japanese traders are permitted to bring produce, on
payment of the customary and regular transit dues. The price of any
silk which is then brought into the market is heightened, because
the supply has been diminished in proportion to the amount of the
quantity brought through this forced reduction.
Naturally, if, after the communication of the views of the
undersigned, they find from actual experience that there is a
repetition of the restrictions alluded to, the government of the
Queen and King will look to that of the Tycoon for explanation of
designs which prevent British and Dutch subjects from trading in the
open markets provided by treaty. On such a point they will make no
question with any other party than the Tycoon’s government.
But there is another point of view in which it is the duty of the
undersigned to invite a consideration of these projects as rumored,
which appear to them to rest on an unsound basis, and they believe
are supported by false arguments. It is said there would be
presumably greater profits on Japanese produce if consigned abroad
for sale, in furtherance of these designs, and not sold in Japan.
Why should not Japan, therefore, keep to herself the profit that
lies between the foreign purchaser of the silk in Yokohama and the
manufacturer in the foreign country?
This is true in a way, but not in the manner represented.
If the Tycoon’s government were to encourage Japanese merchants and
commercial agents to settle abroad in the great marts of the
world—as London, Paris, Manchester, Lyons, Amsterdam, Hamburg, New
York, &c.—there to receive the produce of Japan on consignment,
and thence send back as returns such articles as are wanted, and,
when sold in Japan, will fetch a profit, the profit both ways would
be saved, minus the outlay involved in these foreign Japanese
mercantile establishments. Nothing would give the governments of
their Majesties the Queen and King greater pleasure than to witness
such a step on the part of the government of the Tycoon. Already
have numerous youths from the estates of the Tycoon and the princes
been sent to Europe for instruction in sciences and arts. Why not
send abroad the sons of Japanese merchants and commercial agents
also to be instructed in the counting-houses of these great trading
cities, and afterwards form in these countries establishments of
their own? Such a step would be, indeed, the true reunion of Japan
to the world.
But the mere consignment of whole or part of the available produce
not required for consumption in Japan to one foreign mart will not
secure a higher price. The essence of high price is competition.
There are in Yokohama merchants from England, France, Holland,
Switzerland, Germany, America, competing keenly with each other,
face to face, with equal or greater number of Japanese merchants;
whereas, if a particular market belonging to one of these nations is
chosen, the competitors are in effect restricted to one section of
the six or seven now to be found in Yokohama, so far as the side
which will correspond to the foreign side of the Yokohama market is
concerned, while the Japanese side must, as things now stand, be
entirely represented by foreign agency. The eminent statesmen who
govern Japan will, if they weigh such considerations, have no
difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that the best market for
Japanese produce is to be found in submitting it to the greatest
amount of competition. It is by steadily adhering to true commercial
principles that the financial operations of a government are best
conducted. Every government does wisely, without foreign
interference, to levy such steady and equitable taxes on its
exports, imports, and produce as are requisite to supply the wants
of the state, but the sudden creation of monopolies, and the
imposition of restrictions to effect particular objects, is wasteful
and improvident; a nation may be great and powerful for other
reasons in spite of them, but never by reason of them.
Yedo,
March 6, 1865.
CHARLES A. WINCHESTER, Her Britannic
Majesty’s Chargé d’ Affaires in Japan.
D. DE GRAEFF VAN POLSBROEK, Consul General
and Political Agent of the Netherlands in
Japan.
No. 4.
Mr. Pruyn to Mr. Winchester and Mr. Van Polsbroek
Legation of the United States in
Japan,
Kanagawa,
March 14, 1865.
Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your joint letter of the 11th instant, with its
enclosures, consisting of a minute of what took place at your recent
conference with the Gorogio, and of a memorandum which on that
occasion you presented to them.
The rumors to which you therein refer had not escaped my notice, but
the project which they indicated was so manifestly in violation of
existing treaties, and so incapable of execution, [Page 245] as to have failed to induce me to seek
a conference with my colleagues, much less make it the subject of a
formal note. I understood you, however, to say, when you verbally
communicated to me the result of your conference, that they had
assumed such shape and consistency as not to permit you to pass them
by unnoticed. I should not have been indisposed, therefore, in
conjunction with my colleagues, to have made them the subject of a
joint memorandum, in which we should have declared to the Japanese
government that the treaties contemplated only trade between the
citizens and subjects of the different powers, and that any
governmental interference, either by a purchase of the surplus
products of the country or any part of them, or by preventing their
reaching the open ports, or by sending them beyond those ports,
would be justly regarded as an infraction of those treaties.
The signal success which has attended the cordial co-operation of the
representatives of the four powers in matters of common interest
induces me to regret that there should have been an interruption of
joint action, which I am disposed, however, to attribute rather to
the suddenness of your determination while in Yedo to seek the
interview, than to any want of courtesy to your colleagues, or of
desire to obtain their concurrence. Apart from the necessity of
manifesting to the Japanese government the continuance of this
purpose of concerted action, I regret it the more as it deprives me
of an opportunity of suggesting an important modification of your
memorandum, to which I directed your attention at our interview
immediately on your return from Yedo. I cannot admit “that there is
no objection to the Japanese government sending abroad silk to pay
for stores, ships, and munitions.” The Japanese government would
necessarily be the sole judge of the extent to which such right
should be exercised. My objection extends 10 the principle, and any
violation of it should meet with immediate and strong remonstrance.
I was not aware till after the receipt of your letter that you had
made the convention of October last the subject of any remark at
that interview. In the absence of any despatches from my government
since the receipt of the convention in the United States, I am
unable to say what its decision or preference will be if the
alternative of some eligible port shall be offered for the
acceptance of the four powers. I cannot doubt, however, that our
governments, when the proper time arrives, will act in concert after
full consultation. While disposed to interpret your remarks at the
recent conference to be such as it was declared to be by the
convention—the establishment of better relations with Japan, and not
the receipt of money—I would have suggested and counselled, had
opportunity been afforded, that no communication should have been
made in reference thereto, in the absence of positive instructions,
until the representatives of the four powers were able to unite
therein.
I embrace this opportunity to renew the assurance of my desire to cultivate and maintain unimpaired that
perfect accord on the part of the representatives of the treaty
powers which has been so happily established, and which has been
productive of so much good, as most agreeable to my own wishes and
the instructions of the President of the United States, and as the
best security for the preservation of our common treaty rights.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
ROBERT H. PRUYN, Minister Resident of the
United States in Japan.
Messrs. Chas. A. Winchester,
Her Britanic Majesty’s Chargé d’
Affaires.
D. de Graeff Van Polsbroek,
Political Agent and Consul General of the
Netherlands.
No. 5.
[Note verbale.—Translation.]
Legation of France in
Japan.
The undersigned has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the joint
letter, dated the 11th March, addressed to him by Mr. Winchester,
chargé d’affaires of her Britannic Majesty, and Mr. De Graeff van
Polsbroek, political agent and consul general of his Majesty the
King of the Netherlands, transmitting copy of minute of their
conference with the Gorogio, and of a memorandum which they have
deemed proper to present to them.
The undersigned has already verbally expressed to Messrs. Winchester
and De Graeff van Polsbroek, when they came to communicate to him
the object and the result of their proceeding with the Gorogio the
painful feelings which he experienced when learning that his
colleagues had acted without him in a matter which interested him
personally. It was, indeed, publicly known that the rumors taken for
basis of the memorandum addressed by them to the Gorogio clearly and
solely pointed to France and its representative, who, it was said,
had induced the Japanese government to send all the silk of Japan to
the market of Lyons, &c., &c.
The undersigned will not repeat, now, his opinions on this subject,
but contents himself with submitting the following remarks to his
colleagues:
The representatives of America, England, France, and Holland, having
succeeded in establishing among themselves a perfect understanding,
which has so powerfully contributed [Page 246] to improve our political and commercial
situation in Japan, and having engaged themselves to act in concert
each time that the general interests of the foreign nations shall be
threatened by measures emanating from the Japanese government, the
undersigned thinks that both his colleagues, Messrs. Winchester and
De Graeff van Polsbroek, might have come to an understanding with
him previous to writing the memorandum which they presented to the
Gorogio on the subject of a question so pointedly connected with the
interests of the respective citizens and subjects of the four powers
above named.
Her Britannic Majesty’s chargé d’affaires and the political agent of
his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, would then have convinced
themselves that not only does the undersigned consider any
commercial operation on the part of the Japanese government as
opposed to the spirit and the letter of the treaties and of
international laws, but also that he did not admit, as his
colleagues have admitted in their memorandum, the right of the said
government to send silk abroad in exchange for arms and munitions
which it may have purchased there.
The commercial interests which the undersigned is sent to protect
require that the Japanese government shall absolutely abstain from
any commercial act whatever, either directly or indirectly.
The undersigned cannot explain the reply of the Gorogio, according to
the minute written by his colleagues, in any other manner than as a
misunderstanding or an error of translation, on many occasions, and
recently again he has had similar commercial questions to discuss
with the Gorogio or their envoys, and never has he been able to
trace, in their replies, the slightest indication of intentions on
their part such as are attributed to them.
The spread or the maintenance of such errors might affect the
character of the representative of France, and he, therefore,
considers it a duty to call, without delay, for a special statement
on this subject on the part of the Gorogio.
The undersigned also believes that Messrs. De Graeff van Polsbroek
and Winchester might have omitted, jointly and officially, to
discuss with the Gorogio the question relating to the war indemnity
granted by the Japanese government to England, France, America, and
Holland. This question having been the subject of a convention
signed by the representatives of those four powers, it seems more
natural to the undersigned not to discuss it with the Gorogio until
after a mutual understanding of the said representatives.
It is thus with profound regret that the undersigned now states facts
which would be of a nature to affect the good understanding which,
until now, has subsisted between the representatives of the four
powers, if he had not, while dismissing any impression of personal
feeling, resolved upon maintaining unimpaired the unity which is the
essential condition of the strength they must oppose to the
restrictive tendencies of the Japanese government.
LEON ROCHES.
Yokohama,
March 14, 1865.
