Mr. Tuckerman to Mr. Seward.
Sir: Two demonstrations of sympathy with the people of the United States, on the part of Cretan refugees in Greece, seem worthy of official mention.
A few evenings since a procession, consisting of about 900 orderly and well-dressed children, of both sexes, halted in front of the hotel where I am lodged. They were accompanied by their teachers, certain American missionaries, who have devoted much time and attention to the education of these refugees since their arrival, in a destitute condition, on the shores of Greece. After singing a hymn, they saluted the American minister with cheers. On being apprised that the object of this demonstration was to express to the people of the United States, through me, their heartfelt gratitude for the charitable aid which they had received from my countrymen at home, I addressed them briefly from the balcony. I commended their appearance and the means which they were pursuing to become intelligent and useful citizens, and expressed the opinion that if their benefactors in America could but witness the spectacle which they then presented, they would feel abundantly recompensed for such assistance as—amid great domestic suffering existing in a portion of our own country—they had been able to extend to the refugees in Greece. With a hearty cheer the assemblage retired in the same becoming order in which it had approached. A few days subsequently I was waited upon by a deputation of Cretans accompanied by the Bishop of Kissamos and two priests. With great simplicity and feeling these people expressed their gratitude to their friends in the United States for the sympathy and aid extended by the latter to the suffering women and children refugees in Greece, and invoked a blessing upon the government and people of the United States.
In addition to these manifestations, the local newspapers have teemed with kindly sentiments towards me as the representative of a people whom they have for a long period regarded, and now more than ever regard, as friendly to the aspirations of Greece. Since my arrival I have been visited by large numbers of representative men, inspired by the same friendly sentiments and anxious to express them. In many instances I have felt it necessary to check on their part a tendency to political discussion, which, if encouraged by me, would do no practical good and might lead to political misapprehensions. The numerous attempts on the part of others to introduce through me to the United States government “petitions” of Greeks, not subjects of this kingdom, indicate the extremity to which they are driven in the present position of affairs. Although not openly admitted, it is evident that the feeling of discouragement in Crete is very great. * * * *
From conversations with observing men, Americans, English and Greek, as well as Cretans, who have recently arrived from the island, it appears that the insurgents were never in a more hopeless condition. They have heretofore been regularly in the receipt of supplies and ammunition from their sympathizers in Greece and elsewhere. Now the shipments of supplies are less frequent and the want of ammunition is becoming very serious. The policy of the foreign powers in this juncture adds to the general discouragement. By Greeks and Cretans the United States is regarded as the only disinterested and reliable [Page 124] friend of Crete. The common people in Crete call “America” their “guardian angel who will eventually lead them to felicity.” In what way this dream of the sufferers is to become a reality, or what may be the nature of the felicity hoped for, does not appear. I have, however, every reason to believe that the people of Crete would place themselves and their beautiful island under our flag, if means were open for the accomplishment of such an object. Those who are better acquainted with international law earnestly trust that before all hope is lost to them our government will address a remonstrance to the Porte, or an appeal to the three powers, whereby the independence of Crete may be hastened or assured. It is difficult for them to understand why, in perfect accordance with the spirit of our institutions and the policy of our government, we cannot, as a powerful and independent nation, use the force of argumentative appeal in behalf of a valiant and long suffering people whose sole desire is to govern themselves by right of nationality, religion, language, and liberty. I have very pleasantly discussed the “Cretan question,” which is, in fact, the Greek question at present, with Photiades Bey, the Turkish minister, a very intelligent and agreeable gentleman. While his remarks did not materially confirm, they did not disturb an impression which I entertain, that the Sultan’s principal objection to the relinquishment of Crete is the apprehension that the precedent would lead to insurrections in his northern provinces, and that, if he felt secure against what we must admit is a not unlikely consequence, he would, under moderate pressure, rid himself of a costly and annoying appendage. It is not difficult to imagine that the debt which Great Britain is permitting Turkey to accumulate may be extinguished by the peaceable cession of Crete to the former; a solution of the question which France, in view of her own possessions further east, might not consider it prudent to oppose.
As Greece is unquestionably the fountain-head of the insurrection in Crete, and from which its sustenance has been drawn throughout the struggle, there is not much probability that the people of this kingdom will abandon the cause which they have so long and ardently espoused.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.