No. 68.
Mr. Hilliard to Mr. Evarts.
United
States Legation,
Rio de
Janeiro
,
November 4, 1878.
(Received November 29.)
No. 36.]
Sir: I inclose a translation of a leader which
appeared recently in the columns of O Cruzeiro, a paper published in this
city, and understood to express the sentiments of the Liberal ministry now
in power.
I have found, in my intercourse with the leading statesmen of the Liberal
party, a strong desire to cultivate intimate relations with our country.
They wish to deliver Brazil from the influence of European ideas, and to
encourage in the people the growth of a vigorous sense of independence. Some
of these leaders are extreme in their opinions) others are more moderate.
But they all desire progress.
* * * * * * *
They regard the institutions of the United States as a splendid illustration
of the principles of free government. They express their admiration of a
people who not only asserted their independence and threw off their colonial
bondage, but who at the same time constructed a great free government in
defiance of the traditions of the monarchies of Europe. You will observe
this tone in the article which I inclose to you. The wisest men of the
Liberal party do not desire at this time to effect any change in the form of
their government, but they do earnestly desire to free themselves from the
dominion of European ideas. They wish to direct the attention of the men now
growing up to the civilization of the United States, as far more vigorous
and wholesome than that which prevails in Europe. They favor what I name an
American policy.
From the day of my arrival here I have endeavored to stimulate the sentiment.
In my address to the Emperor I expressed my sentiments in strong language,
and I have steadily pressed these views upon the public men of the empire
from time to time.
* * * * * * *
Without entering into the conflict of parties, I have at all times encouraged
the growth of American sentiments.
The present minister of finance some time since, in a great speech in the
Brazilian Parliament, eulogized the institutions of the United States in
such strong terms that a Conservative member replied to him and said, “that
one who entertained such sentiments ought to make his home in the United
States.”
The gentleman made a grand reply, and said that it was perfectly consistent
with loyalty to the Imperial Government of Brazil to direct the aspirations
of his countrymen to the institutions of the greatest free government on the
globe. He now has charge of one of the most important departments of the
government.
In my judgment the progress of free principles in Brazil is quite as rapid as
the best friends of the country could desire.
The imperial government is thoroughly constituted. The Emperor is an
enlightened ruler; his personal qualities are of the first order; he fully
comprehends the civilization of the present period; and he appreciates in
the highest degree the institutions of the United States.
I am intimately acquainted with the leading statesmen of the empire, and I do
not desire a more rapid advancement than I observe at this time.
[Page 131]
In the article from O Cruzeiro, which I forward, you will observe that
reference is made to the convention recently concluded with Brazil for the
protection of trade-marks of commerce and manufacture.
* * * * * * *
I have, &c.,
[Inclosure in No.
36.—Translation.]
[O Cruzeiro, Rio, October 22.]
The establishment of a regular line of packets between Brazil and the
United States raised our hopes. We received that improvement with
enthusiasm. We welcomed from our hearts that new epoch which we judged
to be opened to us; in which frequent and periodical intercourse with a
people inspired by the good sense of Franklin should introduce to this
country a, current of ideas which should quicken a new social life.
Little time has elapsed since the new enterprise has commenced to
operate, and it could not reasonably be expected that within so short a
space the relations between the two countries should be profoundly
modified. But nothing can hinder us from desiring that the two peoples
shall approach each other as rapidly as possible, and from pointing out
the propriety of studying institutions and customs, such as that great
nation in a period relatively short in the life of nations has developed
with such useful results.
Unfortunately the English language is even to-day little known among us,
and it is not to be wondered at that a people among whom their own
journalism finds a comparatively small number of readers should make a
most limited use of journals published in a foreign language. This is
one obstacle that we encounter to the interchange of ideas between the
two peoples; but it is exactly because such an obstacle exists that it
behooves us to combat it in the most energetic way possible.
If the population of Brazil had an intimate knowledge, such as only the
journals can give, of the daily public life of the United States; if
they knew how public affairs are there administered, how critical
conjunctures are solved, we are sure that from that comparison a great
advantage would result to our political ideas, exhibiting frequently an
easy solution for questions that present themselves to us as very
intricate.
We do not present that nation as an absolute type which others must copy
servilely; far from it. In the United States abuses have occurred which
perchance sometimes reveal an imperfection in their institutions. Not
because of that, however, does that country cease to be one of the most
enviable for the dignity of its citizens, for the full liberty with
which they exercise their rights, and above all for the absence of
preconceptions of the old society—preconceptions that yet oppress us,
and that we sometimes resist with a kind of insolence, when we ought
rather to resist them with that calmness and serenity of mind born of a
profound conviction of an incontestable right.
The difference between the republican form of the United States and the
monarchical that actually exists in Brazil cannot oppose the least
objection to the introduction into this country of many modifications of
administration already tried with advantage in a kindred country. The
chief difference between the two countries is that of races.
The Teutonic peoples really have aptitudes and habits sufficiently
diverse from the Latin peoples, but their aspirations are the same.
To-day all detest privilege; all long for fraternity; and the position
that the United States occupy in North America is so analogous to that
which Brazil occupies’ in South America that an intimate binding
together of the two nations appears a fact as useful as inevitable.
Already has there been effected between the two countries a treaty in
regard to commercial trade-marks; and we understand that an extradition
treaty is under negotiation.
These are two works of morality, since the public international right
does not suffice to guarantee the punishment of crimes and abuses.
A nation can never worthily give an asylum to those who have committed
the gravest offenses in a foreign country; as little can it permit that
in the one, the industrial products of the other be falsified with
impunity.
The lack of protection for literary, scientific, and artistic property is
an omission lamentable in the legislation of Brazil, which we hope to
see remedied shortly.
At all events, the treaties which we are about to effect with the United
States prove that attention is already turned to these subjects.
Let us pursue this course with ardor worthy of the objects.
