The following is a translation from the Spanish of the original
letter written in English by General Hurlbut, the United States
minister here, to Don Aurelio Garcia y Garcia, secretary-general of
Don Nicolas de Piérola. The letter was intended to be private, and,
indeed, is only from one gentleman to another; but the government
here found it so pleasing and so much to the point, that its
publicity in Lima to-day is owing to such partiality. When Mr.
Hurlbut penned the communication he never thought it would see the
light in Lima. To say that it has caused a sensation would be to
underrate the truth, and the truth contained in it cannot be
controverted:
Lima
,
September 12, 1881.
To Aurelio Garcia y
Garcia, Esq.,
Ayacucho:
Sir: I have the honor to own receipt of
your letter dated August 28 last. In answer allow me to observe
that I hardly consider it proper to discuss the internal affairs
of Peru, if not replying to some formal and proper invitation to
do so. But since yours gives me an opportunity to express to you
particularly my frank opinion, I shall so proceed, and at the
same time employing all the kindness possible. It is an accepted
fact that ours is a republic, governed by a constitution which
is regarded as the supreme law. Mr. Piérola took possession of
the reins of power and arrogated to himself an authority not
recognized by that constitution; these were acts in themselves
revolutionary and contrary to the true obedience required by
law. The violent and compulsory manner by which that revolution
was effected stamped the act itself as being a crime against
liberty. The dictatorship was nothing but an autocratic and
despotic tyranny, not only in its plan, but in its name and
actions. While it lasted the constitutional government of Peru
was overwhelmed by the will of one man, which replaced the laws
and the regimen of the constitution. The people of Peru, in the
midst of the perplexities of a war of invasion, accepted this
autocracy, believing that victory was to be achieved under its
banners.
Foreign nations acknowledged this power as a government de facto, but never gave their approval
to either its origin or the system followed. Instead of victory,
the dictatorship brought as result terrible defeats, and the
Dictator fled from the capital. The people of Peru have not had
since that moment an opportunity to freely express, their will
and sympathy. According to the constitution, the National
Assembly—the minister refers to that of Ayacucho—has no right to
exist, and its resolutions or laws have no more legal weight
than the opinions expressed by a similar number of simple
citizens. Therefore the confirmation of the full and autocratic
faculties given to the ex-dictator, under his new title of
President, confer no further validity in the eyes of the law to
his authority and pretensions.
I am obliged, for this reason, and to my regret, to say to you
that the last decrees issued in Ayacucho, regarding the persons
and property of those citizens who decline to recognize Mr.
Piérola, are inhuman and barbarous, and serve to place the
government employing such measures beyond the pale of the law.
(Mr. Hurlbut refers to a wholesale decree of confiscation and
death issued by Piérola, but which has not yet caused any great
alarm among his opponents.) These violent decrees are, according
to my way of thinking, conclusive proofs that the government of
which you form a part is only supported by force, and not by the
weight of public opinion. A strong government, resting or based
on public opinion and sovereign will, never appeals to such
cruel means of devastation. Such methods oblige civilized
governments to regard with reprobation the authorities employing
them. I think I have said all that I think is my duty respecting
the government presided over by Mr. Piérola. The administration
of Mr. Garcia Calderon does not pretend to be perfectly regular
in its, formation. It is provisional, that is, a transitory
means of exercising governmental functions until such time as
the nation may act directly and without pressure. It is
supported by Congress, a national Congress recognized by the
constitution, and it is the embodiment of an effort toward the
re-establishment in this country of a properly organized and
constitutional government. You are mistaken in stating that this
government of Mr. Garcia Calderon meets with Chilian sympathy.
It desires peace, as does the entire country, but without
sacrificing national honor, nor will it cede territory to obtain that peace. The Chilian
authorities are in communication with both parties, and even you
have written to Admiral Lynch. Chili desires and asks for the
territory of Tarapaeá and will recognize the party ceding it.
The cabinet of Garcia Calderon will not consent to this cession;
it remains to be seen if Mr. Piérola will do so. Meanwhile,
under the regimen inaugurated in Ayacucho and put in practice by
the prefects, Peruvians are to-day more deadly enemies to
themselves than are the Chilians, and the efforts of those
friendly to Peru are paralyzed on account of these [Page 162] internal dissensions. When the
United States asks Chili why she cannot make peace, the answer
is that no one can be found in Peru to treat with.
Is it not better to put an end to this state of affairs, and for
all true Peruvians to unite under one chief, whose authority
would be acknowledged and protected by all parties and factions,
in order to save the country from its imminent ruin, to
establish peace, and restore the proper and pacific supremacy of
the constitution and the law?
I have the honor, &c.,
