862.00/2924
The Consul General at Stuttgart (Dominion) to the Secretary of State
[Received March 13.]
Sir: I have the honor to submit below, as of possible interest, the striking similarity observable between internal political developments in Germany since National Socialist success culminated in the appointment [Page 194] of Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of the Reich and the events which unfolded themselves in Italy in the Fall of 1921 and led to the establishment of Fascism in that country. My former assignment to Rome enables me now to make interesting comparisons.
Perhaps the most striking development since the accession of Mr. Hitler to the premiership has been the great increase of political brawls and fights reported throughout the country. Street fighting in large cities and small villages between National Socialists on the one hand and, generally, Communist or Socialist bodies or individuals on the other has become a daily occurrence since February 1 and is steadily augmenting in intensity and extent. The number of fights increases considerably on week-ends when laborers spend a good deal of time in beer halls and cafes. In Italy these week-end brawls were known as the dominical quarrels and their recurrence in Germany at this time is the result of causes similar in every respect to those formerly at play in Italy.
The extent to which these encounters are definite provocations cannot be determined with any degree of accuracy. It is believed, however, that the aggressiveness and militancy which are primary tenets and methods of operation of Fascist organizations would not preclude intentional preparation, through these brawls, of the necessary circumstances which would enable the government to invoke a state of exceptionally grave conditions and adopt measures tending to suppress many forms of liberty granted by the German Constitution. Such a move, it is believed, is favored in National Socialist circles in order to ensure success of this party at the elections on March 5. As a matter of fact, matters are fast reaching the stage at which doubt is felt at the holding of a free election in Germany on that day.
The essential characteristic of Italian Fascism in regard to internal politics is found in the suppression of constitutional rights which has led to the negation of all personal liberty in Italy since the beginning of 1922. Concurrently a strict censorship of the Italian press was established which soon developed into simple suppression of all opposition papers. Consequently there has been no freedom of the press in Italy for a period of over ten years and, strangely enough, the Vatican organ L’Osservatore Romano, published within the confines of the Vatican City, may be considered at present as the only uncensored daily paper published in the Italian peninsula.
Today a drift toward a similar state of affairs in Germany is distinctly perceptible. The number of newspapers temporarily suspended has increased considerably since January 30 and the temporary prohibition of publication is directed not merely to Communist papers as in the past but increasingly to Socialist newspapers and, surprisingly, even to conservative Center party newspapers.
[Page 195]That German public men are concerned about the curtailment of the liberty of the press as well as the suppression of free public opinion is shown by the speech of the State President of Württemberg, Dr. Bolz, at Hechingen, Hohenzollern, on February 17. Dr. Bolz ranks high in the Center party and is perhaps one of the most conservative Reichstag deputies. He admitted frankly, however, that the present trend was leading the country to civil war and revolution, and it was his opinion that the German people would not stand for the suppression of their liberties as the Italian people had done.
Another feature of resemblance to Italian developments is seen in the high-handed and illegal assumption of authority by organized National Socialist bodies. Within the past two weeks reports have been heard of bands of National Socialists traveling about from village to village in trucks owned by their party and entering the homes of private citizens there to inquire whether the inmates are members of the National Socialist party or not or requesting to know whether there are Jews in the household, and in general assuming an intimidating and terrorizing attitude which conforms so minutely with the methods adopted by the Italian Fascists during the first three years of their organization that one is led to suspect that coaching from Italian masters may have led to the adoption of similar methods in Germany.
In the streets of Stuttgart the spectacle of Fascist bravoes, clad in the military uniforms of the National Socialist army and going about in groups of four or five, with arrogant and swaggering attitude, may be seen daily, though more particularly on Sundays and holidays. As in Italy, these Fascists carry arms openly and it is evident from their manner that their marching about is intended as a deliberate provocation to create disturbances and to intimidate peaceable citizens.
Throughout the last two weeks the sessions of the small Württemberg Landtag or State Parliament have strongly reminded me of the vicissitudes of the Italian Parliament throughout 1922 and 1923. In both instances an utter defiance of constitutionality was manifested by the Fascist deputies. In the Württemberg State Parliament, which is now presided by a National Socialist President, this official exhorts from the chair he occupies his party members to eject bodily members of the opposition from the session halls.
The Italian Fascists lost no time in replacing the entire government personnel by Fascists. In this process it was apparent that the pressure of members of the Fascist party for positions was less taken into account than the definite intent of building up a Fascist State and the furtherance of a policy of immediate and thorough fascistization of Italy.
Again in this respect there are signs of similarity in Germany. Recent press notices indicate that chiefs of police in many cities are being [Page 196] replaced and it appears that the destituted officials are functionaries whose loyalty to a republican régime is undoubted. Similar changes among army officers in the military establishment within this consular district have been noted in my despatches No. 886 and No. 898 of February 7 and 20, 1933, respectively.9
There is, of course, a certain amount of resistance which emanates primarily from Socialist and Communist circles and which also is found in Center and Democratic circles. It is doubted, however, whether this opposition will assume the concrete form of an armed civil struggle, in spite of statements made by the State President of Württemberg, as reported above. It would seem as if the number of Germans definitely in favor of Fascism is too large and that a sufficient majority cannot be found to oppose the National Socialists either by constitutional methods or by means of open rebellion. The situation here is interestingly different from that in Italy where a Fascist minority has imposed its will on the majority of the Italian people. Indeed it is my personal belief that were a free election held in Italy today the Fascist government would not be returned, whereas it is not unlikely that, even in the event of a free election being held in Germany on March 5, the National Socialist party may obtain a majority of the votes.
But even were the election results not any more decisive than those of 1932, it is possible that the National Socialists will force their stay in power through the well equipped party army they have built up. There has been no lack of public assertion in the past weeks by leaders of the National Socialist party that they intend to maintain themselves in power irrespective of election results. This is in keeping with Fascist methods and with Italian precedents.
Assumption of authority by the National Socialists is viewed with particular alarm in academic circles where faculties and the teaching staff are government appointees. It is recalled how in Italy competent teachers and scholars of international reputation were arbitrarily dismissed by the Fascists in power because of refusal to take part in Italian politics. It is felt that a similar fate is in store for the university teachers who have sufficient courage to assert their independence of political affiliation. The Fascist policy of ousting from office those teachers who are not militant Fascists has already found expression, according to local press reports, in Berlin where National Socialist students are reported to have bodily thrown out of the State Art School a number of their teachers on allegations that they were Marxists and Jews. This action is considered as ominous and as boding ill for the future of German education under National Socialist auspices.
[Page 197]Still another method of action by the National Socialists which resembles closely Italian Fascist practice is the impeding by violence of campaign meetings, as happened at Oberndorf in Württemberg on February 17. Here the Württemberg Minister of National Economy, who is a member of the German Democratic party, had been scheduled to address a meeting of members of his party. At the very beginning of the session a group of National Socialists in the audience tried to prevent the speaker from making his address and continued their tactics throughout the meeting. They even attempted to use bodily violence on the Minister but were prevented by the policemen present. The newspaper account of the resort to violence recalls vividly similar scenes in Italy at the very beginning of the establishment of the Fascist régime.
In Germany these days, as in Italy under the Fascist régime, the National Socialists claim that their party alone can meet the communist danger. The argument is exaggerated and may be discounted as the highly efficient German police together with the Reichswehr, not to mention the thousands of orderly German citizens in every city suffice amply to prevent the setting up of a communist regime in Germany. The exploitation of communism by reactionary bodies in many countries is now too well known to need elaboration here. That communism will continue to exist in the country is probable because of existing industrial conditions. At the same time it appears true that the growth of National Socialism and of Fascist developments in Germany is contributing to bring new recruits to the communist party. The same results followed the establishment of Fascism in Italy, where anarchism and communism, although not openly avowed, are believed to be much more widespread today than at the beginning of the Fascist regime. In Italy also a strange process of Communist workmen turning to membership in the Fascist unions was noted and several instances of like changes have come to my knowledge in this district. This may be explained by the similarity between the radicalism of Fascists and Communists and by analogies such as disregard of law and constitutionality found among both. One only needs to recall here the similarity in methods of government in Soviet Russia and Italy and note the gradual drift of very recent German government methods in the same direction.
That the German people will act as the Italians and submit to Fascist rule is believed possible. The basis of this possibility is found in the toleration by the German people of the military clique headed by the former Kaiser which ruled them up to the end of 1918. A people which submitted to such a rule in the twentieth century may be considered as unlikely to oppose another militarist government such as the National Socialists are organizing.
[Page 198]It may be inferred, by analogy, that should the spread of Fascist authority meet no opposition in Germany it may not be long before considerably restricted personal liberty will be observable in the country as in Italy. It will then be possible to obtain a fairly accurate idea of future developments in Germany, both as to internal and foreign affairs, by confrontation with Italian precedents. In the sphere of foreign affairs, however, allowance will have to be made for differences in aims in both countries in spite of the similarity which is to be found in some of their policies as, for instance, in the field of colonial expansion.
Respectfully yours,
- Neither printed.↩