851.01/983
The British Embassy to the Department of State
Aide-Mémoire
The proposals from both sides for a rapprochement between Generals Giraud and De Gaulle (though these as yet have not gone very far) make it desirable that His Majesty’s Government and the [Page 31] United States Government should begin to consider together what should be their future relations with the French Empire.
His Majesty’s Government assume that the United States Government, no less than they themselves, wish to see the French Empire united as soon as possible under a single authority making its maximum contribution to the war effort of the United Nations, and that while this result can only be achieved by agreement reached by Frenchmen with Frenchmen, the United States Government, like His Majesty’s Government, will promote the desired agreement so far as they can.
The best solution would be the establishment in Algeria on the soil of a department of France of a single authority in the place of both the French National Committee in London and General Giraud’s administration in Algiers. This authority would be recognised by the United States Government and His Majesty’s Government and no doubt by other governments merely as a de facto administration provisionally exercising French sovereignty over certain parts of France and over the whole French Empire (except Indo China) pending the establishment of a government chosen by the French people themselves. It would not be recognised as the Government or even as the provisional Government of France. It would however maintain relations with foreign Governments by informal exchange of representatives. It would be treated as an Allied power and be formally admitted to the ranks of the United Nations. Agreements relating to various parts of the French Empire would normally be made with this central authority and not with the local colonial administrations. Economic agreements might be made on a tri-partite basis like the agreements in respect of French Equatorial Africa and the Cameroons at present under negotiation between the British and American Governments and the French National Committee.
So far as French North Africa is concerned, the special powers exercised by the Allied Commander in Chief in virtue of his command of military operations would be redefined in a formal agreement concluded between the United States Government and the central French authority. The agreement recently concluded by His Majesty’s Government with the French National Committee about Madagascar might provide a possible precedent. In that agreement, French sovereignty, provisionally exercised by the National Committee, is expressly recognized and the special powers enjoyed by the Commander in Chief are conferred upon him by the National Committee. General Giraud has recently raised the question of respect for French sovereignty with the Commander in Chief (General Eisenhower’s telegram No. 3351 of December 28th) and it may be taken as certain that the Fighting French element in any new administration would be no less sensitive on this point. French North Africa would therefore [Page 32] be regarded as Allied territory in which the Allied Commander in Chief is vested with extensive powers rather than as quasi-occupied territory where he possesses the administrative authority. It would be essential to require as a counterpart that the central authority should conduct itself in all respects both internally and externally as an Allied administration.
It would be desirable that all links with Vichy should be severed or at any rate that any claim to unbroken succession through Darlan26 from Pétain27 should not be revived and also that a return should be made to the laws of the French Republic. His Majesty’s Government note from the Commander in Chief’s telegram No. 3124 of December 26th that these ideas have been mooted in Algiers. The National Committee would almost certainly press for their adoption as part of any agreement for fusion.
A statement of policy issued to Reuters on December 31st by Fighting French headquarters in London is of interest in this connection. The main point made is that unification of the military effort of the French Empire must result from the creation of a central provisional and administrative organ and not vice versa. The statement points out that this new unit which will include a population of 50 million and possess huge natural resources, as well as many vital strategic positions, would quantitatively take fifth place in importance among the United Nations.
- Adm. Jean François Darlan, former Vice President of the French Council of Ministers and Commander in Chief of French Land, Sea, and Air Forces. After the landing of Allied Forces Admiral Darlan was recognized as French High Commissioner in North Africa. He was assassinated December 24, 1942.↩
- Henri Philippe Pétain, French Chief of State.↩