740.0011 European War 1939/26946: Telegram

The Minister in Switzerland ( Harrison ) to the Secretary of State

59. From Tittmann. No. 218, December 30. My 205, December 8.9

1.
I had a 40-minute conversation with the Pope this morning at the customary New Year audience. The Paternal [Holy] Father seemed to me to be in better [health?] and spirits than at any time since I have known him.
2.
After asking me to convey his greetings to the President and to Mr. Myron Taylor, he immediately brought up the subject of the bombing of Rome which he said had come to the forefront because of the more or less official threats that had been made recently over the BBC.10 He said that as a matter of fact he did not himself feel in the least apprehensive because he could not imagine that the Allies would ever do such a thing when there was so little to gain and so much to lose thereby. He made it clear that if Rome were bombed he would be obliged to make a solemn and public protest and added that he was certain that the combined effect of the bombing and protest on Catholics throughout the world could only be hurtful to the cause of the Allies. He mentioned particularly in this connection opinion in Latin America.
[Page 912]

He informed me that he had now received confirmation in writing of the verbal assurances already given by the Italian Government that the military objectives cited in my previous telegrams would be removed from Rome and that this fact had been telegraphed to Apostolic Delegate in Washington for the information of our Government. The Pope added that he was very appreciative of the recent efforts of Mr. Taylor in Washington to make clear the position of the Holy See in this matter.

I told the Pope that I had received no indication from my Government as to what attitude we had adopted but that I supposed the British and ourselves would be obliged to reserve the right to bomb Rome if and when the military situation made this imperative. He replied that such a reservation was, of course, comprehensible but only in theory. The Pope did not bring up the subject of bombing of civilian populations.

With regard to his Christmas message11 the Pope gave me impression that he was sincere in believing that he had spoken therein clearly enough to satisfy all those who had been insisting in the past that he utter some word of condemnation of the Nazi atrocities and he seemed surprised when I told him that I thought there were some who did not share his belief. He said that he thought that it was plain to everyone that he was referring to the Poles, Jews and hostages when he declared that hundreds of thousands of persons had been killed or tortured through no fault of their own, sometimes only because of their race or nationality. He explained that when talking of atrocities he could not name the Nazis without at the same time mentioning the Bolsheviks and this he thought might not be wholly pleasing to the Allies. He stated that he “feared” that there was foundation for the atrocity reports of the Allies but led me to believe that he felt that there had been some exaggeration for purpose of propaganda. Taken as a whole he thought his message should be welcomed by the American people and I agreed with [him].

The Pope seemed pleased when I told him how much I appreciated being present with my family at his private midnight mass Christmas Eve which was attended only by Diplomatic Corps. I said I was impressed by this demonstration above the havoc of war of the brotherhood of man when friend and foe alike were seen to kneel together at the altar in order to receive Holy Communion from the hands of the Universal Father. The Germans, however, were conspicuous by their absence and I could see that their lack of cooperation in this instance had affected the Holy Father. He was inclined to attribute the absence to fear on their part that they might incur displeasure of the more extreme Nazi leaders had they attended.

[Page 913]

The Pope maintained his usual reserve with regard to the progress of the war but this time did not dwell upon the military might of Germany as he did in all previous conversations with me. [Tittmann.]

Harrison
  1. Not printed.
  2. British Broadcasting Company.
  3. For text, see the New York Times, December 25, 1942, p. 1.