89. Circular Airgram From the Department of State to All Diplomatic and Consular Posts1

CG–118

SUBJECT

  • Policy Information Statement (IO–77) United States Support of the United Nations

Background:

The Fourteenth General Assembly of the United Nations will convene in New York on September 15, 1959. The United States has always regarded the United Nations as a keystone of its foreign policy.

Since its foundation in 1945, the United Nations has grown from 51 to 82 members. Four new states will become independent in 1960—Nigeria, Somaliland, French Togoland and the French Cameroons. It is almost certain that one of their first acts will be to apply for membership in the next generation.2

[Page 174]

The small and the newly-independent states place a premium on membership in the United Nations. Many of them regard it as their shield and defender, their hope for the future. It is, therefore, obvious that any apparent denigration of the United Nations by the United States would lessen their confidence in the United States as an honest champion of democracy and of the integrity of the smaller and newer states.

In a world where the powerful ferment of the new nationalism of Africa and Asia grows almost daily and may well, in the long run, provide the fulcrum of power to either “East” and “West”,3 this consideration is not to be taken lightly.

Problem:

In the next four months the role of the United Nations in world affairs may well be over-shadowed by more spectacular events which will capture headlines and dominate public reaction. In the forefront of these is the exchange of visits by the President and Mr. Khrushchev.

There is already some press speculation to the effect that “the big two” are about to arrange world affairs between themselves, perhaps bypassing the UN in the process. Should this idea gain currency among responsible leaders of the small, the “uncommitted” and, particularly, the newly-emerging nations, the long-range results in terms of confidence in American foreign policy on the part of these increasingly important components of the power-complex may well prove deleterious to United States foreign policy objectives.

Guidance:

In these premises, posts are urged to use available opportunities, subject to the discretion of Chiefs of Mission and Principal Officers in the light of local conditions, to underscore the United States basic commitment to and belief in the United Nations as a primary instrument for preserving world peace and for bettering the lot of mankind.

As an immediate and general guide, the text of the President’s Letter of Transmittal covering “U.S. Participation in the United Nations—Report by the President to the Congress For The Year 1958”4 [Page 175] will be found useful. (All Foreign Service and USIS posts should have at least one copy of the complete Report available and those of previous years may well be at hand.)

Various avenues of approach will undoubtedly suggest themselves to officers in particular areas in implementing the objective of this instruction.

Suggestions on the part of posts will be welcomed. Further material is available upon request to provide documentation for this important argument.

Herter
  1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, 511.00/8–2559. Confidential. Drafted by IO; cleared with USIA and in draft with Wilcox, EUR, and WE; and initialed for the Secretary by Philip Burris, Policy Coordinator, Bureau of Public Affairs.
  2. Circular Airgram CG–121, August 26, changed this paragraph to read:

    “Since its foundation in 1945, the United Nations has grown from 51 to 82 members. Four new states will become independent in 1960—Nigeria, Somaliland, French Togoland and the French Cameroons. It is almost certain that one of their first acts will be to apply for membership in the United Nations. It is equally certain that they will be admitted. There is no foreseeing how many other newly-emerging nations may similarly be admitted to the United Nations in the next generation.” (Ibid., 511.00/8–2659)

  3. Circular Airgram CG–121 substituted “East or West” here.
  4. For text, see American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1958, pp. 69–75.