247. Memorandum From the Executive Secretary of the Department of State (Brubeck) to the President’s Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Bundy)1
SUBJECT
- U.S. Participation in the UN Committee of 24
The following memorandum provides information concerning the current meetings of the UN Committee on Decolonization.
General Assembly Resolution 1810 (XVII) (enclosed)2 enlarged the Special Committee on the Implementation of the Colonialism [Page 548] Declaration from 17 to 24 members and requested it “to seek the most suitable ways and means for the speedy and total application of the Declaration to all territories which have not yet attained independence.” A list of members is enclosed.3
At the 17th General Assembly the United States voted for Resolution 1810 (XVII) after defeating an attempt to have the Committee’s mandate include the setting of target dates for the achievement of independence by the remaining dependent territories.
Our objectives are to have the Committee: (a) Operate by consensus rather than by voting; (b) Make factually accurate and politically realistic recommendations which we will be able to support; (c) Foster cooperation between the UN and Administering Authorities; and (d) Eliminate the Cold War from the Committee. In corridor conversations we have let it be known that we reached our decision to serve on the Committee again only after serious soul-searching and that our participation will be kept under review pending the actual operations of the expanded Committee. We should be prepared to take a walk if the Committee degenerates into a sounding board for the Soviet bloc, Mali, Iraq, Tanganyika and others who place a higher value on strident anti-colonial propaganda than they do on serious and constructive initiatives.
When votes are taken on what we consider to be unrealistic proposals, the prospective voting lineup is even more unfavorable than the one we faced last year. We must anticipate lopsided votes on the order of: 19 (Afro-Asians, Latin Americans and Soviet bloc)-5. On some of the more extreme proposals we will try to induce the three Latin Americans to abstain if they cannot vote with us. In view of the Committee’s composition, we shall, so far as possible, concentrate on moderate and constructive policies rather than expand political capital in trying to increase the minority in which we will find ourselves on a number of issues.
The Committee held its first meeting on February 20 and to date has displayed unusual moderation. Coulibaly of Mali was elected Chairman and we succeeded in having a Western power, Uruguay, elected as first Vice-Chairman over Soviet objections. Cambodia was elected second Vice-Chairman. Syria was re-elected rapporteur. What promised to be a donnybrook if the Afro-Asian majority attempted to draw up a definitive list of all remaining dependent territories has not yet developed. This highly contentious issue, which might have involved Okinawa and might have obliged us to press for inclusion of [Page 549] certain Soviet non-self-governing territories, has thus far been avoided when the Committee adopted a practical work program approach.
In another display of initial moderation, the Committee decided to operate on the basis of consensus as much as possible. The Committee’s current and prospective work program is as follows:
Portuguese Territories. As requested by the 17th Assembly, the Committee has decided to give priority to Portugal’s African territories. Although the Soviets advocated going directly to the Security Council, Mali and other Afro-Asian Members have shown interest in reviving our rapporteur proposal which they rejected last fall. Chances are slender that some kind of UN role, e.g. a variation of our rapporteur proposal at the 17th General Assembly or a mission by the Secretary-General or his representative, can be developed in which Portugal and the Committee of 24 would acquiesce. We will nevertheless make an effort in this direction in order to keep it from an extreme tack. Portugal has declined an invitation to participate in the Committee’s discussions of Portuguese Territories and has told us it cannot cooperate to any degree with the Committee, although it has left the door open for informal contact. Portugal has stated that it would be willing to have the rapporteur proposal reintroduced in the General Assembly.
If some form of Portuguese-UN cooperation cannot be worked out in the near future, we face the probability of a Security Council meeting where the African Members (Ghana, Morocco) might seek enforcement action including diplomatic and economic sanctions. In the absence of renewed large-scale violence in Angola, there is little prospect that seven affirmative votes could be mustered for such proposals. Should fighting erupt in the territories, the pressures for some kind of action in the Council (including a UN presence) would be considerably greater. We also face Security Council meetings on apartheid, inside or outside of South West Africa, particularly if large-scale violence develops.
Southern Rhodesia. The Secretary-General is awaiting a substantive reply to his letter of February 28 to the UK in which he offered to play a good offices role among the various elements concerned with Southern Rhodesia as requested by the resolution adopted by the 17th General Assembly. The UK appears to favor the Secretary-General’s involvement; however, given Winston Field’s overall approach and his antipathy toward African appeals to the UN, we should not be optimistic that his attitude will be favorable. Together with the UK we should counsel moderation in and outside of the Committee and should point out the dangers of creating a situation in which Southern Rhodesia would declare its independence.
South West Africa. We and the UK have urged the South African Government to cooperate with the resolution adopted at the 17th [Page 550] General Assembly to the extent of admitting some kind of UN executive presence into South West Africa. While South Africa will not permit the establishment of a political UN presence, we hope that it will agree to a resident UN technical assistance mission prior to the Committee’s consideration of this item.
Spanish Territories. Since the Committee of 17 did not have time to take up Spanish Territories, we believe the Committee of 24 will wish to consider them. We hope that a spirit of cooperation will evolve between Spain and the Committee. Spain has recognized its Charter obligations to submit information on its territories to the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories. While the Spanish Government has accepted the principle of self-determination and has instituted vigorous economic and social development programs for its territories, this problem remains a highly controversial and sensitive one within the Government. US policies in Africa are viewed with suspicion in Spain and in any discussions with the Spanish in the Committee of 24 context we must realize that our motives may be misconstrued. The likelihood that discussions of the future of the Spanish territories would bring out competing claims for them among various African countries may reduce resolutions of the Committee to vague generalities.
British Guiana. Developments will depend on what use if any Jagan believes he can make of the Committee of 24. Burnham appeared as a petitioner on March 7 and made a favorable impression, especially on the African members. Burnham clearly and succinctly made his case for a plebiscite on the question of proportional representation.
US Territories. In spite of the lobbying of the Pro Independencia group in New York we believe that we can prevent Committee of 24 consideration of Puerto Rico on the ground that the Assembly has already recognized its present form of self-government. If the Committee wishes to consider some US territories, we plan to steer it in the direction of the Virgin Islands, Samoa, and Guam.
- Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Subjects Series, United Nations (General), 1/63–4/63, Box 311. Confidential.↩
- Not printed. Resolution 1810 (XVII) was adopted by the General Assembly on December 17, 1962, by a vote of 101 to 0, with 4 abstentions.↩
- Not printed. The members were: Australia, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Chile, Denmark, Ethiopia, India, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mali, Poland, Sierra Leone, the Soviet Union, Syria, Tanganyika, Tunisia, the United Kingdom, the United States, Uruguay, and Venezuela. All but Bulgaria, Chile, Denmark, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, and Sierra Leone had belonged to the Committee of 17.↩
- Hilliker signed for Brubeck above Brubeck’s typed signature.↩