263. Position Paper Prepared in the Bureau of International Organization Affairs1
UNITED STATES STRATEGY AT THE 18TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY
Summary
Two themes are likely to dominate the 18th United Nations General Assembly:
- 1)
- Colonialism and racial discrimination; and
- 2)
- the opportunities for international cooperation opened up by the limited test ban agreement.
The African members, strengthened by the presence of a number of Heads of State and increasingly disturbed by the lack of progress in the Portuguese territories and the apartheid policy of South Africa, will use the Assembly to press African issues hard.
At the same time, the conclusion of the limited test ban agreement seems likely to stimulate interest in “next steps” in the disarmament field and perhaps other aspects of East-West cooperation. The “cold war” between the USSR and China will have some effect in the Assembly, and there are signs that the Soviets are perhaps reassessing certain aspects of their attitude toward the United Nations in this light.
The need to avoid complete preoccupation with African issues and to build on the limited test ban lead us to conclude that we should probe systematically for next steps to new agreements on the basis of mutual national interest; that we should seek to engage the USSR in an increasingly complex network of cooperative undertakings based on mutual interest; and that the UN has a role to play in both the probing operation and the engagement process, if the latter is in the cards.
We hope it may be possible to focus proportionately less attention on African issues and to use the Assembly to increase the incentives to the Soviet leaders to live at peace with us. To do this will require broadening [Page 581] the focus of the Assembly at the outset, to which end we recommend a major address to the Assembly by the President, picking up from the American University speech and stressing the great common interests of man, both in relation to his environment and to his fellow man. Such broadening can be accomplished only if there is some visible crack in the almost total impasse over self-determination in the Portuguese territories and apartheid in South Africa.
There follows a review of the major problems at the 18th Assembly, including where possible preliminary policy recommendations respecting the United States position.
1. African Issues
The key African issues are the Portuguese territories, apartheid in South Africa, and perhaps Southern Rhodesia. Unless the United States is prepared to lend some support to African demands for more far-reaching measures against Portugal and South Africa, we risk being accused in the Assembly of frustrating the anti-colonialist crusade. The Africans will also threaten to bargain their votes on non-African issues of importance to us (e.g. Chinese representation) against United States support on African issues. To minimize U.S. losses, we shall probably have to go beyond our past positions in the absence of significant movement by Portugal or South Africa. We must also be prepared to deal with a possible African walk-out or other disruptive parliamentary tactics directed against the presence of Portugal and South Africa in the Assembly. The United States should frankly tell the Africans that the future not only of the UN but of all international institutions is threatened by such conduct and urge, publicly if necessary, that orderly procedures be followed. By thus standing firmly for peaceful change, we shall inevitably be cast in the role of honest broker between extreme positions, pleasing no one entirely, hopefully alienating no one totally.
2. Human Rights Issues
The Assembly will be dealing with a report of the Secretary General on the action of UN members to eliminate racial and religious discrimination and with a Draft Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. This will sharpen the Assembly’s focus on racial issues. With UN interest increasingly turned to the problem of implementing respect for human rights we are considering the possible establishment of some new institution in the field of human rights which could investigate and report on how Members are fulfilling their Charter obligations on human rights. We think this would, among other advantages, spotlight human rights problems in closed societies and help broaden attention beyond racial issues.
[Page 582]3. Disarmament and Nuclear Issues
The conclusion of the “hot line” with the Soviets and the limited test ban agreement should have a favorable impact on the debate and create momentum for further progress. We expect full discussion of disarmament questions. The Assembly will certainly endorse the test ban agreement and call on all States to adhere. It may also repeat its call for agreement on an underground test ban with effective verification. Our general objective should be to encourage further negotiations in the ENDC or through bilateral or limited multilateral channels on collateral measures (e.g. surprise attack) and further negotiations on general and complete disarmament. We hope to be able to refer specific issues such as those related to prohibition and dissemination of nuclear weapons to the ENDC for detailed consideration.
4. Outer Space
The United States should be prepared to take the initiative to put new energy into UN outer space activities and to reach agreement in areas that will promote the peaceful use and exploration of outer space. We may wish to make specific proposals for new cooperative projects and to move forward with our plans for a Declaration of General Principles regarding the legal aspects of outer space by the UNGA.
5. Other Important Issues
We expect to be able to achieve our objectives on two East-West issues, Chinese representation and Korea, on the same basis as in the past. This means maintaining the seating of the Republic of China and reaffirming the aim of Korean unification through free elections under UN supervision.
The questions of Hungary and Tibet are not now on the agenda. We do not anticipate further discussion of the Hungarian question. In the absence of some new major reason for its inscription, we should probably take no initiative on Tibet.
The only Near Eastern issue certain to arise is the problem of the Palestine refugees, on which prospects for progress remain poor. We hope heated debate can be avoided. No major action is required since at the 17th General Assembly UNRWA was extended for two years.
6. Future of United Nations Operation in the Congo
The continuation of the UN military operation in the Congo is likely to be considered. Although the Secretary General now seems disposed to recommend its closing out by the end of this year, we believe it would be useful to continue the operation another six months. We have been actively discussing UNOC’s future with key UN Members. [Page 583] especially the Africans, to ascertain whether there is broad support for continuation and whether necessary financial arrangements can be made. We estimate the cost at about $8–9 million, which would have to be assessed by an appropriate financing resolution in the General Assembly.
7. UN Peacekeeping
To strengthen the UN’s military capabilities, we will continue our efforts (1) to obtain a modest increase in the Secretary General’s military staff; (2) to encourage the earmarking of national forces for UN peacekeeping service; and (3) to set the stage for the training of officer personnel for UN service. Bearing in mind the broad objective of strengthening UN peacekeeping institutions we should support the establishment of a United Nations Institute which would train personnel for service with the UN system or with UN-related functions in their own country; conduct operations research designed to enhance the UN’s effectiveness; and engage senior citizens of UN members as faculty, lecturers or part-time fellows who could be used by the Secretary General for special missions.
8. UN Financing
The arrearages of the Soviet bloc members will not bring them within the provisions of Article 19 until January 1, 1964. The question of the application of Article 19 is not on the agenda, but interest has been shown in the idea of referring to the International Court of Justice the question of the automatic application of Article 19 to Members who are now more than two years in arrears. If there is general sentiment in favor of resort to the Court, we should agree. If the ICJ decides the question in favor of automaticity, this should strengthen our position in an eventual showdown.
9. Other
The final two sections describe economic, trade and development matters and the prospects for elections to the Security Council, Economic and Social Council and International Court of Justice, as well as for officers of the General Assembly.
[Here follows the remainder of the paper.]
- Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Subjects Series, United Nations (General), 9/1/63–9/8/63, Box 311. Confidential. Only the summary is printed; the entire position paper comprises 33 pages. A covering memorandum to President Kennedy from Secretary Rusk, August 30, indicates that a meeting to discuss U.S. strategy at the 18th General Assembly was scheduled for September 9. A second covering memorandum from Belk to Bundy called the paper “exhaustive and exhausting.” Belk suggested that the President read “(1) the 4-page summary; (2) skip Part One: the Political Climate; (3) proceed to the Table of Contents of Part II and select whatever further subjects he may find of interest for more detailed reading.”↩