894.00/625
The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State
[Received March 23.]
Sir: The results of the Diet election held on February 20 appear to have been one of the immediate causes of the uprising that broke out six days later with the murder of Admiral Viscount Saito, Finance Minister Takahashi, General Watanabe, and Colonel Matsuo, the Premier’s brother-in-law.* However, the fundamental causes beneath the outbreak date back several years and are bound up with a feeling of discontent in the Army over political and social conditions in Japan.
In their campaigning before the election the two principal political parties were at variance in several important points. Although both appeared to stand for a “positive foreign policy”, for the improvement of agricultural interests, and for the relief of local finance, the Seiyukai advocated political reform for the abolishment of bureaucracy and insisted upon the resignation of the Okada Cabinet, which the Minseito continued to support. The Seiyukai was reported to be desirous of the abolition of the “senior statesmen bloc”, while there was no evidence [Page 739] that the Minseito was opposed to consultation of the senior statesmen by the Emperor and the Government, a practice maintained during the incumbency of the Saito and Okada Cabinets.† In a speech delivered on February 3, Mr. Chuji Machida, President of the Minseito Party and Minister for Commerce and Industry, stated that in the belief of the Party the Japanese people had sufficient political ability to solve Japan’s problems; that the situation could not be handled by a single faction, but that the whole nation must set its mind to it; and that to show its conviction in this belief and to carry out its function as a national party the Minseito had supported the Saito Cabinet and later the Okada Cabinet. As a part of its platform the Kokumin Domei advocated consistency between military and diplomatic action, and promotion of public health. The Showakai, the newly organized pro-Government party, had the slogans “Down with those who disturb national unity” and “From Takahashi finance springs business prosperity.” The Shakai Taishuto, or Social Mass Party, was said to favor establishment of democratic parliamentary politics, opposition to higher taxes on the masses, immediate adoption of the national pension system, and State management of important industries as opposed to capitalistic management. Various members of the Cabinet made speaking tours during the last week of the Diet campaign and on February 17 the Premier addressed a public meeting at the Hibiya Public Hall held under the auspices of the Cabinet, an action which the Asahi termed unprecedented in the history of Japan. Premier Okada reiterated the platform of the Government adopted at the formation of the Cabinets‡, set forth the Government’s reasons for dissolution of the Diet on January 21, and attributed the sound basis of Japan’s finances to the untiring efforts of Finance Minister Takahashi.
The Army and the Navy were reported to desire as a result of the election the resignation of the Cabinet and the formation of a “stronger” Government. According to the Nichi Nichi of February 12, both services hoped for the emergence of a strong cabinet “reflecting the prevailing international situation” and held the belief that the nation could not solve its present difficulties so long as the Okada Cabinet failed to grasp the emergency nature of the international situation and remained under the restraint of the political parties “and other forces at odds with national defense and the execution of the national polity.” It was reported by Nippon Dempo on February 19 that the military insisted that regardless of the outcome of the election the Government should resign because “it was too weak”.
[Page 740]Before February 20 observers generally were of the opinion that the Seiyukai would maintain its position in the House of Representatives and that the Government would be forced to resign. In any case, the pronounced gains of the Minseito came as a surprise. The election reduced the Seiyukai Diet seats from 242 to 174 and increased the Minseito seats from 127 to 205. According to the figures published by the Japan Times of February 24, which are believed to be official, the candidates elected were as follows:
| Minseito | 205 |
| Seiyukai | 174 |
| Showakai | 19 |
| Shaki Taishuto | 18 |
| Kokumin Domei | 15 |
| Others | 35 |
The election thus resulted in giving no party a majority in the Diet. In addition to the relative good fortune of the Minseito, the other surprises afforded by the election were the defeat of Dr. Kisaburo Suzuki, President of the Seiyukai, and the success of the Shakai Taishuto, whose representation was increased from 3 members to 18. In this connection it is pertinent to remark that this political party is in no way communistic and that the closest parallel to it in foreign countries would appear to be the British Labor Party.
Shortly after the election results became known, Mr. Adachi, President of the Kokumin Domei, was reported to have proposed to Premier Okada the resignation of the Cabinet “en bloc” and its reconstruction in cooperation with the Seiyukai for the purpose of forming a national coalition government. According to the Japan Advertiser of February 26, the Government decided on February 25 to reject Mr. Adachi’s suggestion and to defer consideration of the question of Cabinet reconstruction until after the adjournment of the extraordinary session of the Diet, scheduled to convene on April 20. This newspaper also stated that at the same time the Cabinet had arrived at the belief that the Government would be able to control the Diet without having to rely on the support of the Kokumin Domei.
For the most part, public opinion appeared to be optimistic over the results of the Diet election. There was nevertheless a noticeable difference of opinion as to whether the political situation would be stabilized by the election. The Japan Times of February 24 stated that financial and economic circles were sanguine over the election results on the ground that Mr. Takahashi’s financial policy would be maintained by the continuance in office of the Okada Cabinet through the support of the Minseito. On the other hand, the Tokyo Asahi of February 25 and the Osaka Asahi of February 26 attributed the victory of the pro-Government parties to popular disgust with the [Page 741] Seiyukai and expressed doubt that the policy of the Okada Cabinet had won the confidence of the nation.
Amid all this speculation the outbreak of February 26 occurred. It is probable that the plot of the younger Army officers was carried out at this juncture partly because of despair over the Minseito victory, coupled with the knowledge that the Okada Government would continue in power. There is little likelihood that the plotters were alarmed over the success of the Shakai Taishuto, or so-called proletarian party. On the contrary, some of the aims of this Party were known to coincide with the objectives of the radical element in the Army, such as control of industry by the State rather than by capitalists, less taxation of the masses, and increased taxation of the capitalists. The position of the Shakai Taishuto was later made clearer with the issuance of a statement on March 2 by Mr. Hisashi Aso, a Diet member of the Party. According to Domei (news agency), after stating that hasty comment on the February 26 incident would be withheld, Mr. Aso repeated the party platform as follows: (1) State management of important industries and State control of finance, insurance and foreign trade; (2) State management of land, with the right of tillage remaining with the holder of the land; (3) State control of staple agricultural products; (4) A fundamental reform in taxation to increase the levy on capitalists; (5) Creation of a national pension system; (6) Establishment of credit institutions or smaller industrialists and businessmen; (7) Radical readjustment of agrarian debts; (8) Enactment of a labor union Law and a tenancy law; and (9) Public management of medical institutions. A comparison of the Party’s platform with the desiderata of the Army, as expressed in the various Army pamphlets, reveals the fact that both have very similar socialistic aims.§
To return to the question of the Minseito, it may be reiterated that this Party had not expressed opposition to the senior statesmen while the Seiyukai, like the insurgents, desired the abolition of the whole senior statesmen system. In the announcement of the War Office issued on the evening of February 26, it was stated: “According to the written documents of these officers, the purpose of the uprising was to eliminate those perpetrating the destruction of the national polity, such as the Genro, the statesmen close to the Throne, financial magnates, the military cliques, the bureaucrats, and the political parties at this moment of serious crisis at home and abroad in order to clarify great principles and to protect and make manifest the national polity”.
Respectfully yours,
- Embassy’s telegram No. 37 of February 26, 1936. [Footnote in the original.]↩
- Monthly Report for January, Section III (c). [Footnote in the original; report not printed.]↩
- Embassy’s despatch No. 918 of August 3, 1934. [Footnote in the original; despatch not printed.]↩
- Embassy’s despatch No. 1031 of November 1, 1934. [Footnote in the original; despatch not printed.]↩