The army of the Potomac presents a scene of constant and watchful
preparation. Suffolk, in Virginia, has been reoccupied. The insurgent
newspapers contain a report from Bragg that he had repulsed General
Foster at Kingstown, near half way between Goldsboro’ and Newbern, in
North Carolina, and captured three guns, with fifteen hundred prisoners.
Assuming the truth of this claim, it does not now seem to seriously
threaten the operations of Major General Sherman. If the suspense in
which we are held in regard to him begins to be painful, it is well to
remember that the time he appointed for coming to the destination whence
we should be able to hear directly from him has not yet expired.
The Senate of the United States adjourned without a day on the eleventh
instant.
The contentions at Richmond seem to border upon distraction. It is
understood that the insurrectionary cabal has at last, under Virginia’s
dictation, passed a bili for arming slaves—not more in numbers than
one-quarter of the negro males between the ages of 18 and 45—leaving to
the States the question whether the negroes to be thus brought into the
field shall be emancipated.
I give you a curious exposition of the political situation at Richmond,
which is regarded here as remarkably accurate, because its statements
generally agree with the information we have derived from other sources.
The exposition is contained in a paper which I have received from a
person who is believed to have had personal interests and a good
opportunity for learning the prospects of the insurrection.
General Lee before Senate committee,
January 24, 1865.
By Senator Hunter:
What do you think of evacuating Virginia, and going to North
Carolina?
It would be a bad movement, in my opinion; the Virginia troops would
go home.
Do you think we have troops sufficient for the next campaign?
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I do not; we cannot last till midsummer.
What do you think of the policy of arming 200,000 negroes?
If we intend to carry on the war that is the least of evils—but in
such an event, it should be understood that those slaves have their
liberty.
Do you think we could succeed by putting the negroes in the
field?
That would depend on circumstances. We could at least carry on the
war for another year.
By Senator Hill:
What is the sentiment of the army in relation to peace?
It is almost unanimous for peace. The men will fight longer if
necessary, but they believe that we cannot continue the war through
another campaign.
By Senator Graham:
What is your individual opinion upon the subject of peace?
I think the best policy to pursue is to make peace upon the plan
proposed by Mr. Stephens. The people and the country ought to be
saved further sacrifices.
By Senator Walker:
Provided peace be not made before spring, will you consent to take
command of all the armies of the confederacy, to act with unlimited
powers?
I will take any position the country assigns to me, and do the best I
can. But I do not think that I can save the cause now—that no human power can save. Had I this
offer made me one year ago I think I could have made our condition
better than it is now.
By Senator Orr:
You think, then, general, that the best solution of our difficulties
is to make peace on the Stephens plan?
Yes; that is the best policy now. I think the army and the people
ought to be saved, if all else is lost.
From records in the adjutant and inspector general’s office from the
1st of October, 1864, up to the 4th of February, 1865, 72,000 men
had deserted from the confederate armies east of the
Mississippi.
Nearly all the Missourians deserted from the army of Price during his
recent invasion of Missouri, and he lost during the campaign 19,500
men.
A distinguished confederate officer just from Georgia (February 6)
says that the remnant of Hood’s army is nothing more than a
demoralized mob. He saw the men pass through Montgomery, on their
way to Branchville, South Carolina.
The following list comprises the names of senators, members of
congress, and leading public men throughout the south who favor a
reconstruction of the government on the basis of the Union:
Virginia.—Allen T. Carpenter, senator; Thomas
S. Gholson, M. C.; William C. Rives, M. C.; D. O. da Jarnette, M.
C.; John B. Baldwin, M. C.; Fayette McMullen, M. C.; Samuel Miller;
ex-Governor H. A. Wise; Hon. John M. Botts; Hon. William J.
Goggin.
North Carolina.—William A. Graham, senator;
William B. Dutch, senator; Robert R. Bridges, M. C.; J. T. Leach, M.
C.; James M. Leach, M. C.; T. C. Fuller, M. C.; James Turner, M. C.;
John A. Gilmer, M. C.; J. G. Rumsey, M. C.; B. S. Ganther, M. C.
Governor Vance; Hon. W. W. Holden.
South Carolina.—James S. Orr, senator; W. W.
Boice, M. C.
Georgia.—Herschell V. Johnson, senator;
Benjamin H. Hill, senator; M. H. Blandford, M. C.; Clifford
Anderson, M C.; J. T. Shenmaker, M. C.; James M. Smith, M. C.;
George N.Lester, M. C.; H. P. Bell, M. C.; Warren Akin, M. C.;
Governor Brown; Hon. J.L Whitaker; Hon. Joshua Hill; Judge Linten
Stephens; Judge A. E. Wright; Hon. V. A. Gaskell; Judge Ezzard; Hon.
H. B. Waugh; Hon. Lewis Tamlin.
Alabama.—-R W.Walker, senator; Robert Jameson,
senator? Thomas J. Foster, M. C.; W. R. Smith, M. C.; David Clop
ton, M. C.; George Watts; Hon. John Clemens; Hon. — Fitzpatrick,
former United States senator; Hon. Mr. Parsons, at present a member
of the legislature.
Mississippi.—J. W. C. Watson, senator; J. A.
Orr, M. G.; O. R. Snighton, M. C.; W. D. Holden, M. C.; ex-Governor
Matthews.
Ex-Senator C. C. Clay has returned from his mission to England. His
mission was a failure, England would have nothing to do with the
Confederate States.
On Monday, the 6th February, after the peace commissioners had
returned from Fortress Monroe, Senator Johnson, of Georgia, waited
on the President, and, in substance, the following conversation took
place:
Well, President Davis, so your peace mission has failed?
Yes, I knew it would; I now hope the reconstructionsts will fight
Lincoln instead of figh ing me.
Mr. Lincoln, it seems, was not opposed to making peace with the
States; but he was not in favor of recognizing the confederate
government as an independent power.
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I see, President, that you have withdrawn all the troops from Georgia
into Carolina and Virginia; what will the people of Georgia do for
protection in the next campaign?
The people of Georgia have followed the counsels of Governor Brown
and Mr. Stephens; they must now protect themselves.
Well, President, if you can do without the people of Georgia the
people of Georgia can do without you.
On the return of Mr. Stephens from Fortress Monroe, he said to his
friends that he was not disappointed with the failure of his
mission. He knew it would fail before he started. He was now
satisfied that the government of Mr. Lincoln would not make peace
with Mr. Davis on any terms whatever. But he was more sanguine that
peace was within the reach of the country now
than he ever was before. He was quite certain that we would have
peace, and an honorable peace before the 1st of
May, 1865. This much-desired result he said was now in the
hands of the people, and if the people desired peace, Mr. Davis, nor
no other man, or set of men, could prevent
it.
The substance of what Mr. Lincoln said was, that he could not treat
with Mr. Davis while inrebellion. That the so-called government of
the Confederate States would not be acknowledged by him. That he
could not treat with the States while they acknowledged allegiance
to, and formed a part of, that government. But that he was willing
to treat with the States separately, or with any number of them on
the basis of the Union and the Constitution. If peace be restored,
he would do all in his power to remit those pains and penalties
which in dividuals had subjected themselves to by being found in
open rebellion against the government. That under no consideration
would he recognize the independence of the so-called Confederate
States, nor would he treat With them as a separate power, nor would
he enter into any truce or armistice with Mr. Davis, as President of
these States.
Davis’s instructions to the commissioners were as follows:
1.That all negotiations shall be conducted as between two independent
nationalities; and
2.That pending these negotiations an armistice shall be proclaimed of
ninety days.
These instructions were represented to Mr. Lincoln by the
commissioners, but not entertained.
Mr. S. thinks that Mr. Lincoln will, in his inaugural address on the
4th of March, proclaim a plan which will be generally accepted by
the States as a basis of settlement. He looks upon any further
efforts of the confederate government, with a view to negotiating
for peace, or to carry on the war, as futile, unjust to the people
and the States. In a word, he considers the functions of the
confederate government at an end.
MR. STEPHENS’S PLAN FOR PEACE.
1. Let President Lincoln issue an address to the army and people of
the south, embodying in said address the facts contained in a former
communication, and also what passed at the interview with
commissioners.
2. Agree to appoint commissioners on the part of the United States to
meet State commissioners on the part of such States as desire to
send them, such commissioners to meet at Nashville, Louisville or
Cincinnati, in April or May, to consult for the purpose of a peace
on the basis of such States returning to the Union, with no other
condition than returning to the government under the Constitution
and laws of the country.
3. An election by such States as send commissioners to such
convention of senators and representatives to the Congress of the
United States, entitling them to a perfect equality in the
government of each and all the States.
This plan, Mr S. thinks, would meet the approval of North Carolina,
Georgia, Florida,. Alabama, Mississippi, and perhaps of South
Carolina and Virginia. He is quite certain that it would find favor
with not less than six States.
