[With one enclosure.]

Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward

No. 117.]

Sir: A statement of the minister secretary of state a few days since in the corps legislatif, and an article in the Moniteur of the 10th instant, have compelled me to break the silence I intended to have kept until I heard from you in reference to the grounds upon which the minister of foreign affairs placed his withdrawal of the proclamation of neutrality of June, 1865. I transmit herewith a copy of a note which I addressed this morning to his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, which will sufficiently explain itself, and my motives for not permitting the ministerial statements cited in it to pass in silence.

I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

JOHN BIGELOW.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State.

[Enclosure No. 1.]

Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys.

Sir: In the official report of a speech made by his excellency the minister of state on the 9th instant, I find an erroneous statement, which, to prevent any possible misapprehension between your excellency and myself, I hasten to bring to your notice.

After speaking of the declarations made at Boston by General Rosecrans in reference to the alleged recruiting of American soldiers for the Mexican army, M. Rouher is reported to have said: “Pendant que ces declarations se faisaient à Washington et à New York, elles recevaient ici leur sanction et leur consecration formelle; le ministre des Etats Unis se presentait a notre ministre des affiaires ètrangères et lui disait: Sans doute nous ne voyons pas d’un œil favorable une monarchie s’etablir au Mexico. Sans doute nous preferons les formes republicaines; mais nous respectons la volontè des peupleset des nations; nous comprenons que le Mexique, qui a èté longtemps regi par la forme monarchique veuille reveniv à cet ètat de choses; il nous n’irons pas faire la guerre pour une question de forme de gouvernement.”

[Page 395]

[Translation.]

“While these declarations were being made at Washington and at New York, they received here their sanction and formal consecration. The minister of the United States presented himself also to our minister of foreign affairs, and said to him: Without doubt we do not behold with a favorable eye a monarchy established in Mexico. Without doubt we prefer the republican form, but we respect the will of peoples and of nations. We understand that Mexico, which had been long governed by the monarchical form, may desire to return to that state of things, and we are not going to make war upon a question of the form of government.”

Mr. Rouher has probably misapprehended your excellency, for I am persuaded that you could never have so entirely misunderstood my language as to have reported me as saying that the people of the United States understand that Mexico, after having been so long subject to a monarchical form of government, may desire to return to it. What I stated that may have given the impression which has misled the minister of state was this, in brief: that now that the experiment had been begun, the Americans wished to be fully tried, under circumstances best calculated to determine, finally and forever, whether European systems of government suited the Mexican people best. If it should appear that they did, and public tranquillity was restored, no nation was more interested in such a result than her immediate neighbors. I added, that the success of republican institutions in the Spanish American states had not been such as to encourage us to attempt the propagation of them there otherwise than by our example, and that whatever government was acceptable to the Mexican people would be satisfactory to us.

I trust to your excellency’s memory to confirm me in the assertion that I never expressed to you any opinion or impression importing that the Mexican people desired a monarchical government. In saying that the success of republican institutions in Spanish America had not been such as to justify us in becoming their armed propagandists, I did not countenance the inference that the Mexicans themselves were dissatisfied with the form of government under which they had been living prior to the occupation of their capital by French troops.

I beg your excellency will take such measures as may seem to you proper to correct the error into which the minister secretary of state, in common with his hearers, appears to have been betrayed.

I desire to avail myself of this occasion to correct another misapprehension which has become accredited by publication in the official journal.

The Moniteur, of the 10th instant, speaking of the neutrality of France between the United States and the late insurgents in the slave States, says:

“La situation étant aujourdhui changée et le gouvernement federal ayant fait connaître son intention de ne plus exercer à l’egard des neutres les droits qui resultaient pour lui de l’ètat de guerre, le gouvernement de l’Empereur n’a pas cru devoir plus longtemps reconnaître de belligerants dans les Etats Unis d’Amerique.”

[Translation.]

“The situation being to-day changed, and the federal government having made known its intention no longer to exercise towards neutrals the rights which were imposed upon it as a consequence of the state of war, the government of the Emperor has not deemed it its duty longer to recognize belligerents in the United States of America.”

I presume reference is here made to the communication which I had the honor to submit to your excellency on the 29th ultimo, extracts from which were quoted by your excellency in a subsequent communication to me, announcing the withdrawal of belligerent rights from the insurgents. Assuming such to be the authority from which the Moniteur makes the statement which I have cited, I feel it my duty to say that, thus far, the federal government of the United States has made no renunciation of any rights which belonged to it as a belligerent. It has ceased to exercise such rights, I presume, but I am not aware that it has renounced them.

The communication to your excellency of the 29th ultimo was in reply to a previous declaration of your excellency that a renunciation by us of the belligerent right of visit and capture of neutral ships must be a condition precedent to the withdrawal of belligerent rights from the American insurgents by France.

In arguing the inconveniences of making these measures dependent one upon the other, I stated that “the United states government, in applying for a repeal of the declaration of June, 1861, abandoned any of the rights of belligerent which it is presumed to have claimed, and became directly responsible for anything it might do in the character of a belligerent. If, after the withdrawal of the imperial declaration, it were to visit and search a neutral vessel, it would at once expose itself to reprisals, the same as for any other violation of international comity.” That is to say, we abandoned any belligerent rights which, upon the theory of your excellency, we only shared in common with the insurgents, and, upon that theory, would be responsible for anything we might do in our proper character as belligerents.

These observations were based upon the doctrine of belligerent rights propounded in the communication to which I was replying without either admitting or denying its correctness. [Page 396] Should my government be of the opinion that a nation may he entitled to the privileges of belligerent in suppressing a rebellion, without thereby conferring belligerent rights upon the rebels, it might not be prepared to renounce the practice of visiting and searching neutral vessels so long as that remedy was necessary for the national security. Your excellency will remember that I made no concealment of the fact that I had no instructions from my government to offer or accept any conditions to be attached to the withdrawal of the declaration of June, 1861. I merely argued the inconvenience and unreasonableness of the conditions attached to its withdrawal upon premises assumed by your excellency. The final suppression of the rebellion in the United States, of which intelligence has reached us since the correspondence under consideration took place, deprives the matter to which I have invited your excellency’s attention of much of its practical importance, at the same time it is as well that the communications, both oral and written, which I had the honor to submit on the 27th ultimo, should not acquire in their re-statement any importance not properly belonging to them.

I beg, therefore, that nothing I have written or said to your excellency may be regarded as an acceptance of the principle that the assertion of belligerent rights by a nation against its rebellious subjects necessarily confers upon the latter belligerent rights.

I beg to renew to your excellency assurances of the very high consideration with which I have the honor to be your excellency’s very obedient and very humble servant,

JOHN BIGELOW.

His Excellency Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, Minister of Foreign Affairs.