Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.
Sir: I lose no time in acknowledging the receipt of your despatch of the 22d of February, No. 1158, which brings us official information of the suspension of [Page 78] the writ of habeas corpus in Ireland, with a view to the suppression of what is called “Fenianism.”
I have refrained from alluding in this correspondence to Fenian proceedings here or elsewhere. I do not think that either time or occasion has arrived for making any communication upon that subject to her Majesty’s government. It is right, however, that you should now be confidentially informed of the sentiments In regard to it which are entertained at the present moment by the President. The Fenian excitement as it exists in the United States seems to have merely a political or partisan character. The questions which it involves exclusively affect the political situation of Ireland as one of the United Kingdoms. The persons who are engaged in that agitation are, as a general fact, native Irishmen, many of whom, however, have, while others have not, availed themselves of our laws of naturalization. In moving, controlling, and directing the Fenian agitation, it is manifest that they are influenced altogether by feelings, sentiments, and views which they cherish as Irishmen, notwithstanding their change of domicile, or place of residence or citizenship. In a few words the Fenian agitation is a British and not an American movement—a movement for which the agitators have secured to themselves the benefits of refuge, which the Constitution and laws of the United States afford to exiles and emigrants from foreign lands.
The only question for this government is, not whether the motives or designs of the agitators in regard to Ireland are just, wise, beneficent, or humane, or the reverse, but whether in seeking to promote their designs they commit any violation of the laws of the United States which have been adopted to prevent military or naval aggression by persons who are amenable to those laws against nations with whom the United States maintain relations of peace and friendship.
Thus far no such violation of positive law has been brought to the knowledge of this government by either of its own agents, who are believed to be vigilant, or through any complaint from the British legation. No restraint has been put upon British agents of observation, and no obstacles placed in their way.
Neither the character of the agitation, nor the condition of our international relations, is such as to render it wise for this government to denounce the proceedings of the agitators, so long as they confine themselves within those limits of moral agitation which are recognized as legitimate, equally by the laws of the United States and by those of Great Britain.
It is not unreasonable to suppose that any unlawful enterprises which might be contrived in this country to disturb the peace and security of Ireland, or of any of the British colonies, would prove not only abortive, but even absurd, unless it should be found that the movement had some connection with an uprising of the country to be invaded. It is not for this government to anticipate such an uprising in Ireland. To pronounce such an anticipation, unnecessarily, would justly subject us to the suspicion of a desire to favor such an untoward event.
Perhaps it is reasonable to suppose that the suspension of the habeas corpus in Ireland, which has now taken place, has brought on a crisis there. If no uprising has occurred, it may be supposed either that such a movement had not been meditated, or that it has been averted. In either of these cases it is not to be apprehended that a violation of our neutrality laws will now be committed. On the other hand, if an insurrection shall have already occurred in Ireland, it will be by no means the purpose or policy of the United States to suffer their own laws to be violated, and their dignity and honor compromised.
It may be expected that some of our Irish born naturalized citizens, who are now sojourning or travelling in Ireland, will be arrested upon complaints of complicity in seditious proceedings. It may also be expected that some who will be thus accused will be innocent, while others will be guilty. The situation will for a time necessarily become inconvenient and embarrassing. I know of no way in which you can meet it more properly than by pursuing the course [Page 79] which you have indicated. Americans, whether native-born or naturalized, owe submission to the same laws in Great Britain as British subjects, while residing there and enjoying the protection of that government. We applied the converse of this principle to British subjects who were sojourning or travelling in the United States during the late rebellion.
Give a careful examination to each complaint, dealing at all times frankly with the British government, and asking on their part strict justice in their proceedings where American citizens are concerned.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.