Mr. Hovey to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your last despatch, No. 8, in which you announce the policy of the United States in relation to revolutions in republican states, and in which you inform me that, in the opinion of my government, the time has not arrived for the recognition of the revolutionary government instituted in Peru by General Prado.
Deeming it my duty to give you every important fact and thought that may influence the government of the United States in its relation to this country, I hasten to reply to your despatch. As I have had the honor of informing you in previous communications, the existing state of rule here has been recognized by every government represented in Peru.
I understand from your despatch that the recognition of the government of Peru, as at present constituted, would be in contravention to the policy of the United States, which is settled upon the principle that revolutions in republican states ought not to be accepted until the people have adopted them by organic law, with the solemnities which would seem sufficient to guarantee their stability and permanency.
A brief retrospect of the policy which has guided the administration of affairs here for the last twenty years would not be unimportant in the solution of this question, and, judging by this retrospect, it would not be asserting too much to state that for many years past this government has been republican only in [Page 632] name—the elective franchise being but an ideal privilege, and nine-tenths of the people neither voting nor taking any part in the affairs of the government.
I would respectfully suggest further, that should the present government be overthrown, that which succeeds it will be nothing more stable, so far as organic law guarantees its stability.
The real administration of affairs here will long be in the hands of him who best controls the military power; and, should the United States wait until Peru is governed by organic law, in fact as well as in name, it will, in my opinion, be a far distant day before our country is represented at all in Peru.
At the time of the inauguration of the revolution by General Prado the governing power was entirely in the hands of the aristocratic or white portion of the inhabitants of this country. These appear to have been banded together in a species of freemasonry, with the sole aim of aggrandizing their particular caste, and preferring their families and friends to all the positions of emolument or distinction.
To such extent had the abuse obtained that the government was paralyzed for the want of her resources, which had been expended to pension the families of worthless officials and ex-officials. In brief, I have been reliably informed, by native and foreign residents here, that three-fourths of the inhabitants of Lima received their daily bread from the bounty of the government. The abuse had become chronic. A pensioned aristocracy, arrogant, imbecile, and helpless to aid the people, had heretofore controlled the country and absorbed its resources. Pezet’s government was nothing more nor less than an adjunct of Spain; its only effect was to create wide differences between ruler and people, and enrich those in power. Canseco, his successor, was weak and vacillating, and adopted a system of governing in consonance with the policy of his predecessors. With the treasury empty, war with Spain impending, and with a strong Spanish party in the country, it was deemed advisable to place General Prado in power as dictator of the republic.
The public decrees, forwarded to you, and the files of the national organ, “El Peruano,” will manifest to you the reforms already consummated by General Prado. Conspicuous among these are the abolishment of unjust pensions and the adoption of measures which tend to simplify the judicial system and promote the prompt administration of justice. He has, moreover, enforced the most rigid economy in the expenditures of the government.
As illustrating the working of the corrupt system of favoritism which has disgraced former administrations, I may mention the fact that several ex-collectors of the port of Callao drew the same pay as the de facto official, and the same unjust influences secured for ex-officials—soldiers, sailors, and civilians— the sorely needed revenues of the government.
But one opinion in relation to the reforms of General Prado exists here among North Americans and Europeans, and that is, that he is tearing down a system of effete aristocracy, and erecting instead a more truly democratic form of government.
So far he has manifested nothing indicating an intention of assuming supreme power; his habits are simple, and his motives appear honest.
There is no nation upon whom the Peruvians rely more implicitly for sympathy and support than the people of the United States, and the kindliest feelings are always manifested toward our people, whenever opportunity occurs.
Should the fact be announced that our government refuses to recognize the present authority in Peru, it is possible, from the temper of this people, that those in power might withdraw the privileges granted to our consuls, and thus materially injure our commerce in these waters; and I respectfully request to be instructed as to my course of action should any interference with our commerce arise from the fact that our diplomatic and consular agents are not duly accredited to the existing government of Peru.
[Page 633]Applications are frequently made to me by American citizens in regard to the enforcement of their claims. In my present powerless position I am entirely unable to assist them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.