Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Transmitted to Congress with the Annual Message of the President, December 4, 1871
Mr. Moran to Mr. Fish
Sir: In connection with Mr. Motley’s dispatches Nos. 517 and 519, I have now the honor to inclose herewith copies extracted from The Daily News and Times, in English and French, of Prince Gortchakoff’s reply, dated the 20th of November, to Earl Granville’s note of the 31st October, on the subject of the revision of the treaty of Paris of 1856, together with copy of Earl Granville’s answer, dated the 28th November.
I have, &c.,
The Russian question—Prince Gortchakoff’s reply to Lord Granville—From our special correspondent by submarine telegraph.
The following is the full text of Prince Gortchakoff’s reply to Lord Granville, being a dispatch addressed to Baron Brunnow, dated Tsarskoe Selo, 8th (20th) November, 1870:
“Monsieur le Baron: The ambassador of England has read and left with me a copy of Lord Granville’s dispatch in reply to our communication of October 19. I hastened to submit it to His Majesty the Emperor. Our august master was pleased to point out that it contained, in the first place, an expression of the earnest desire of the cabinet of London to preserve cordial relations between England and Russia; and secondly, an assurance that the cabinet would not have refused to enter into an examination of the results of the treaty of 1856, so far as they have been modified by circumstances. As for the question of strict right stated by Lord Granville, we have no wish to enter into any discussion, recall any precedent, cite any example. Such a [Page 416] controversy would in no way promote the good understanding which we desire. Our august master had to discharge an imperious duty to his own country, without wishing to injure in any way the governments which were signatories of the treaty of 1856. On the contrary, His Imperial Majesty appeals to their sense of justice, and to their regard for their own dignity. We regret to see that Lord Granville addresses himself principally to the form of our communications. The form was not our choice. We could have asked nothing better, surely, than to attain our end by an agreement with the signatories of the treaty of 1856. But the principal secretary of state of Her Britannic Majesty well knows that the attempts made at different times to assemble the powers in a general conference, with a view to remove the causes of difficulty which disturbed the general peace, have invariably failed. The prolongation of the present crisis, and the absence of a regular government in France, postpone still further the possibility of such an agreement. Meanwhile, the position in which the treaty left Russia has become more and more intolerable. Lord Granville will agree that the Europe of to-day is very far from being the Europe which signed the treaty of 1856. It was impossible that Russia should agree to remain the only power bound indefinitely by an agreement which, onerous as it was at the time when it was concluded, became daily weaker in its guarantees. Our august master has too deep a sense of what he owes to his country to force it to submit any longer to an obligation against which the national sentiment protests. We cannot admit that the abrogation of a purely theoretical principle, to which no immediate effect is given, and which simply restores to Russia a right of which no great power could consent to be deprived, should be considered as a menace to peace; or that, in annulling one point of the treaty of 1856, there is any implication that all are annulled. The imperial cabinet never had any such intention. On the contrary, our communication of October 19 declares, in the most explicit terms, that His Majesty the Emperor fully maintains his adhesion to the general principles of the treaty of 1856, and that he is ready to come to an agreement with the signatory powers of that treaty, either to confirm its general stipulations, or to renew them, or to substitute for them any other equitable arrangement which may be thought suitable to secure the repose of the East and the equilibrium of Europe. There seems, then, to be no reason why the cabinet of London should not, if it please, enter into an explanation with the signatories of the treaty of 1856. For our part, we are ready to join in any deliberation having for its object the settlement of guarantees for the consolidation of peace in the East. We are persuaded that fresh guarantees would be found in the removal of a permanent cause of irritation between the two powers the most directly interested. Their mutual relations would be more firmly established on the basis of a good and solid understanding. You are desired, M. le Baron, to read this dispatch to Lord Granville, and to leave a copy of it with him. The principal secretary of state of Her Britannic Majesty has expressed to us the regret that he would feel if this discussion should disturb the harmony which the government of Her Majesty the Queen has striven to maintain between the two countries. Be good enough to express to his excellency how entirely his regret would be shared by the imperial cabinet. We believe that a good understanding between the two governments is exceedingly advantageous to the two countries as well as to the peace of the world. It is with lively satisfaction that we have seen our relations during late years grow more and more close and cordial. The grave circumstances in which we find ourselves at this moment seem to us to make this more desirable than ever.
The Treaty of 1856.
The following is Lord Granville’s reply to the second note of Prince Gortchakoff:
Earl Granville to Sir A. Buchanan
“Sir: The Russian ambassador has read and given to me a copy of a dispatch of Prince Gortchakoff of the date of 8–20th November.
“It is not necessary for Her Majesty’s government to recur to the important question of international law raised by the circular of Prince Gortchakoff, as they have nothing to add to the declaration on that subject which they have already made.
“His Excellency has been good enough to appeal to my knowledge of facts which, his excellency states, prevented that consultation and agreement with other parties to the treaty which Russia would have preferred.
“I am aware that suggestions for Congresses to settle other European questions have been made and not adopted.
[Page 417]“It has also been stated to me that intimations have been given to some of my predecessors that, in the case of certain contingencies, which, however, have never occurred, such as the possession of the principalities by Austria. Russia would feel bound to call in question some of the provisions of the treaty of 1856. But I am ignorant of any occasion on which Russia, the party most interested, has proposed in any way to this country that a relaxation of the treaty should be taken into consideration.
“I cannot therefore admit that the Imperial government, can justify this proceeding by the failure of efforts which have never been made.
“The courteous language in which Prince Gortchakoff’s dispatch is written, his assurance of the manner in which he would have preferred to open this question, and his declaration of the strong desire for a confirmation of good relations between the two nations, particularly important at this time, encourage Her Majesty’s government in the belief that the obstacle to such relations will be removed.
“They observe that his excellency describes the declaration which has been made by Russia as an abrogation of a theoretical principle without immediate application. If these words are to be construed into an announcement that Russia has formed and stated her own opinion of her rights, but has no intention of acting in conformity with it without due concert with the other powers, they go far to close the controversy in which the two governments have been engaged.
“Her Majesty’s government have no objection to accept the invitation which has been made by Prussia to a conference, upon the understanding that it is assembled without any foregone conclusion as to its results. In such case Her Majesty’s government will be glad to consider with perfect fairness, and the respect due to a great and friendly power, any proposals which Russia may have to make.
“You will read and give a copy of this dispatch to Prince Gortchakoff.
“I am, &c.,