763.72/3169½
The Ambassador in Italy (Page) to the Secretary of State
[Received January 31.]
My Dear Mr. Secretary: As I am having an opportunity to send by special messenger Mr. Thomson, Vice Consul at Salonika, who is on his way home for service in the Department of State, a letter which I can make more confidential than I could through the open mail, I am writing this with a view to having you read it and show it to the President also, should he have time to read it.
I wrote fully some days ago as to the effect here of the President’s note of December 18th64 and the reasons why I thought it was received by the press as it was, and I also wrote of the Conference here of the Premiers of the Allies with other representatives.
Since then, the Allies’ note65 in reply to the President’s has been published and the press has been very full of it, with comments which, naturally enough perhaps, are entirely eulogistic of it. They have also been commenting in quite an opposite tone upon the Notes which the Central Empires have sent upon the receipt of the Allies’ note referred to.
The unmeasured praise of the Allies’ note contained in the press is reflected in some quarters here; but on the other hand, there is a subcurrent of criticism which holds that they have gone so much further than they can establish it practically that it was perhaps unwise to do so. Although it has been very difficult to learn with any precision what occurred in the Conference here, I have heard on what I believe to be good authority that in the Conference Lloyd George took the leading part in laying down the principles on which the Conference should proceed to base its decision; that in fact he did most of the talking and presented his ideas with great vigor and positiveness; but in a very general form, and that then Baron Sonnino would take up the various matters and in a calm and cogent way, show just what was practical and what was not, according to his view,—presenting both facts and figures in a way which generally resulted in the conference adopting his views, and that Briand sided with him.
In this way, it appears, that Baron Sonnino gave whatever there was of friendliness of form to the Note to the President in which he was sustained by Briand.
I have heard further that Russia was so to speak in opposition to the others nearly all the time and no one seems to know here just what [Page 748] Russia is doing or possibly even what she can do. It is said that it was not until Sunday afternoon,—the last day of the Conference, that the Conference came to anything like accord. Finally, however, an accord was reached and according to the press the accord is very close and complete. Sonnino seems to have made a deep impression upon his colleagues and has undoubtedly strengthened himself very much with the Italians who have been sensible of this impression and are much flattered by it. This, however, does not necessarily mean that an attack will not be made on the Ministry when the Chamber reassembles on the 21st instant, as it is almost certain will occur, unless some victory shall be obtained by Italy in the meantime. Sonnino, however, is likely to remain.
My own view of the Note of the Allies to the President is that however friendly the phrases may be which it contains, and however much it may be praised, it could scarcely have been less,—what shall I say, positive,—had they already won the decisive battle which they are only hoping to win.
It contains an answer quite complete and perhaps even more than complete, to the President’s inquiry as to the purposes with which the Allies are conducting the war; but it contains also, as I read it, two quite distinct affirmations, one that the Allies propose to deal with the map of Europe to suit themselves; the other that when they shall have done this, they may be ready to hear anything that the United States may have to say on the question of a future League for Peace.
I do not think that there is much question as to the large part which England has had in the substance of the Note. At least for the present, however, the people seem ready to keep on. The tug will come in the Spring.
It is a singular circumstance that immediately on the heels of this very comprehensive declaration of intentions with regard to the disposition of Europe, things should suddenly be tightened up here. Nearly all the necessaries of life seem suddenly to have become scarcer or at least difficult to obtain them here and there is such an absence of fuel that railroad trains are being taken off; coal and coke are being corralled by the Government and I have had to apply, as an Ambassador, to the Foreign Office to obtain the privilege of paying 300 lire a ton for coal. I confess that I do not understand why they should at the very moment in which apparently everything is scarcer than ever before, talk as though they were on the way to Berlin and Vienna. They all seem to think here that Austria is in a terrible plight and that Germany also is in the most straitened circumstances. You will know far more of the truth of these things than I can learn here, where only one side is ever permitted to be told. [Page 749] I have been much struck in these last weeks by the open attempt made in the press to secure some sort of league, formal or informal, of what they call the Latin American peoples or nations. Some time ago, whenever the newspapers mentioned the South American countries, they always spoke of the “little South American Republics.” They now speak of the “Great South American countries” of [or?] the “Great Latin American countries” etc. and the press is full of praise of “Latin America”, with suggestions of its spiritual nearness to the Latin civilization of Europe.
Efforts have been made, with more or less success, to create what they call the Latin Union, taking in Italy, France, Spain and the South American Republics. There was a great meeting in Lyons quite a time back in which this idea was advanced and since then any number of associations in which the name of Latin Race appears, have been and continue to be formed, or at least promoted.
Meanwhile, I find among my “Latin American” colleagues two sentiments which appear to me to have considerable influence with them, one the apprehension that the Monroe Doctrine may be abandoned and their countries thus be placed at the mercy of European cupidity; the other that the United States may become so powerful as to overshadow them, if not menace their liberty. The two are quite diverse if not antagonistic and yet undoubtedly they feel both of these things to be a menace.
Moreover, it is equally an undoubted fact that there is an effort over here in Europe to draw these South American countries into closer relations with Europe and divide them from the United States. The newspapers contain not infrequent references to the fact that all the Latin countries are Roman Catholic and have similar ideals et cetera. On this subject, however, I will write further another time.
Meanwhile, I will only say that although at the present moment the President’s plan for hastening peace appears to have failed of execution at any time in the near future, I personally feel that the step which he has taken, has brought peace unquestionably nearer than it was before, and that it will play its part in the consummation of that which he desires.
I would greatly like to see him when the time comes, as I believe it will come before very long, for him to take another step or point attention to the one already taken, place distinctly in the foreground his suggestion that the peace at which he aims is a peace that shall be both just and durable.
Believe me [etc.]