File No. 763.72119/294
The Ambassador in Germany (Gerard) to the Secretary of State
[Received December 31, 11.10 p. m.]
4805. Press summary. Reported from Washington that the German reply was received on the 28th. Since much unfavorable American press comment thereon had already been published here on English authority, the German Liberal press surmises that such comment was based on a garbled version of the reply. Cologne Gazette writes that the President expressly stated that he was indifferent to the means so long as his great object was attained, so that the German proposal of a direct exchange of views cannot offend him. The assuming of New York papers that the belligerents must submit their terms to the President is unintelligible. To put such a construction on the President’s note would deprive it of its pacific character altogether. Even Paris papers pointed out that public debate on peace terms is impossible.
Pan-Germanist papers are eager to take the theme of London papers that the real meaning of the President’s note is that America will be compelled to take action if reckless submarine warfare follows the rejection of the peace offer by the Allies, and that the only purpose of the soundings which the President wishes to take is to find out on which side American weight is to be thrown. Count Reventlow claims that these threats only confirm what he preached right along, namely, that American influence will be used solely in favor of England and must therefore be considered utterly hostile to any German peace. An editorial of the New York Times is published, stating that the meaning of the President’s note is to warn Germany that she must decide whether to submit peace terms acceptable to the Allies or to continue the war under the strong probability that America will join the Allies. Frankfurter Zeitung comments on the manifesto of the Czar that the hope of peace is dwindling because the Allies refuse to see the realities of the war and wish to dictate peace only. Russian claims to Constantinople at this time completely disregard the results of 29 months of fighting which have clearly solved the problems of the east and southeast in the sense that Russian plans of conquest must be finally given up. The renewed agitation for economic warfare after the war is another element of despair, for any such plans are utterly incompatible with a peace of understanding. Cologne Gazette writes that the world is anxiously awaiting the reply of the Entente. It must not be a renewal of the ridiculous asseverations that Germany must be destroyed; [Page 129] the Allies’ peace terms must recognize Germany’s freedom of economic and cultural evolution. Germany was forced against her will to conquer French, Belgian, Serbian, Russian, and Roumanian territory but the small nations who do not undertake anything against Germany need never fear for the protection of their national freedom and independence. The peace must be the just result of the war furnishing no side advantages which it had failed to gain during its course.
Officially announced that 408,500 tons of enemy and neutral shipping were lost during November through the operations of the Central powers.
Erfurt Allgemeiner Anzeiger writes America figures as follows: Suppose the German submarine warfare is intensified to such an extent as to menace the American transports of war materials, then America will face a decision that will be devilishly inconvenient; a war against the Central powers with means at the disposal of America would be futile, but considerations of prestige would demand that the United States do not permit themselves to be defeated under all circumstances. The great business would be at an end and what the future may bring nobody knows, and therefore America suddenly discovers its humanity in order not to risk a bad speculation. In this way, however, it can help the English restrain the demands of the great German competitor, and the neutrals who desire a quick ending of the war are helping it in its endeavors.