835.00/1746
The Argentine Minister for Foreign Affairs (Storni) to the Secretary of State43
Mr. Secretary of State: Coinciding with Ambassador Armour’s trip to the United States, I have thought it desirable to place myself in direct contact with you, in order to set forth confidentially to your friendly Government the situation of the new Argentine Government established as the result of the military movement of June 4, particularly with reference to the international position of this country. I do so with the full approval of the President of the Nation and in the hope that, by this means, his views may also be made known to President Roosevelt.
The military movement which has just overthrown the Government of Señor Castillo assumed power as an inevitable consequence of the atmosphere of corruption that unfortunately had penetrated the political and administrative life of the country. The unanimous approval with which the renovating work of the new Government is being followed, is the best justification of the movement. The Government has complete control of the situation, supported by all sound opinion in the country and fully upheld by the armed forces. But there is one factor which carries decisive weight in the work that it is doing: I refer to the international situation and to the problems of foreign policy with which the Republic is confronted.
[Page 448]Due to lack of adequate information, or to other causes the origin of which I do not know, there has been created with respect to the situation of neutrality of the Argentine Republic an atmosphere which is prejudicial to good relations with the countries of America and especially with that great friendly nation (the United States). Thus the rumor has spread that General Ramírez, the armed forces and the men who form this new Government profess a markedly totalitarian ideology or, at the least, that we look upon the Axis powers with great sympathy. I can affirm, and I beg that you, Mr. Secretary, accept this affirmation as the word of a man of honor, that such assumptions are absolutely false. The Argentine nation, its armed forces and the men in its Government, base their acts in the firmest democratic convictions. We are men of America: Our historic tradition is very clear and it will not be modified now or in the future by the adoption of dictatorial systems of government that are repugnant to our consciences as free men, as men who, today as in the past, feel indissolubly linked with the other inhabitants of this continent, of profoundly democratic origins.
The situation of neutrality that the Argentine Republic has had to observe up to now, has not been understood. Moreover, it has given rise to suspicious comments. In judging that neutrality it has been forgotten, against all the evidence, that Argentine ships are operating exclusively in the service of the allied nations and particularly of the American countries, extending, by the decision of this new Government, to the very zone of operations proclaimed by Germany. There have also been forgotten the Argentine decrees granting the status of “non belligerency” exclusively to one of the belligerent parties. There have likewise been disregarded the protests made by Germany, Italy and Japan after the secrecy of their official communications with their Embassies here was prohibited, while the other countries continue to have the free use of their cables.
It is difficult to ignore the collaboration that the Argentine Republic is giving to the cause of the allied nations, under the conditions of a neutrality which, more than tolerant, is of an evidently benevolent character. This current of collaboration is even more effective in the field of our exports, placed at the almost exclusive service of the Allied cause and of the American countries, in so doing many times depriving our country of articles necessary for its own defense.
The effort that Argentina is making should be understood. It is not fair to forget that this new Government has sprung from a revolutionary movement which was planned and carried out in order to overthrow a Government that did not understand the reality of internal and foreign policy. But the change, particularly with reference to foreign policy, could not be effected in a violent manner because our [Page 449] country was not ready for it. In this connection, it should not be forgotten that the Argentine Republic has been living and is still living in an atmosphere of peace, work and comparative abundance—that our people are influenced by the ties of kinship of numerous foreign colonies—that there exists fear of the communist danger, the propagation of which in our country has corrupted even the most genuinely democratic institutions such as Acción Argentina and the Junta de la Victoria. It should be recalled that, on the other hand, the Government that was overthrown maintained its neutrality even during the most critical period of our relations with the Axis countries, as undoubtedly was the case with the repeated torpedoing of Argentine ships and the Japanese attack against Pearl Harbor.
This situation, Mr. Secretary, cannot be abruptly changed by a revolutionary Government that must reconstruct the country, which is corrupted in its administration and in its educational and social institutions. The changes can be brought about only as rapidly as the internal situation may permit. The spirit in which they have been begun in the international position of the country is clear and evident, and deserves to be noted in a friendly way and without bias by your Government.
Argentine sentiment, eminently American, firmly opposed to totalitarian regimes, is on the side of the United Nations in its material and spiritual action. But you, Mr. Secretary, citizen of a country that venerates freedom of conscience, will acknowledge that it is not possible, without preliminary preparation, to force the Argentine conscience with a view to leading it coldly and without any immediate motive to the breaking of relations with the Axis. The war having reached its present stage, when defeat is inexorably drawing closer to the countries of the Axis, this unexpected rupture would furthermore put Argentine chivalry to a hard test. Let it suffice to recall the judgment which Italy merited when, in a similar situation, it took its position against defeated France.
I cannot fail to point out to you, Mr. Secretary, the concern with which I view future possibilities if, because of the persistence in the present lack of comprehension, Argentina should continue to be denied the materials that it needs in order to increase its production and to arm itself in order to fulfill, should the case arise, its obligations for continental defense. It is of particular interest to recall that some time ago the Argentine Republic offered to increase shipments of fuels and heavy oils to American countries, for which purpose it sought from the United States the shipment of the machinery essential in order to increase its productive capacity. Unfortunately, thus far, this request has not been heeded, no recognition being made of the sacrifice at which our country is extending its assistance to friendly [Page 450] countries in order to supply them so far as possible with the much coveted fuel. Petroleum production has decreased because of the deterioration of the equipment, and our reserves have diminished considerably. Today, in order to compensate for this shortage, we find it necessary to burn in the boilers of our factories and plants millions of quintals of corn, wheat and linseed. With the aid of the United States, Argentina could burn its own petroleum, keeping that wealth of grain to supply the allied nations and to form a reserve stock that would make it possible to feed the European peoples threatened with hunger.
The Government of General Ramírez will spare no effort to fulfill the obligations contracted. But, as I have already said, it will not be able to do so without a cause to justify it. To act otherwise would afford grounds to believe action is being taken under the pressure or threat of foreign agents, and this would not be tolerated by either the people or the armed forces of the country.
I believe that in this long letter I have explained to you, Mr. Secretary, the real situation of the Argentine Republic with respect to its sentiments of deep friendship and solidarity with the American countries. I do not doubt that in contemplating the situation from the high position that the Government of President Roosevelt occupies in the world, it will be appreciated that it is not just to maintain the attitude of suspicion assumed towards a country such as ours, which has shown unmistakably its feelings of friendship and frank support for the countries that are fighting for freedom. I cannot believe that it is desired to eliminate the action of Argentina within the concert of American nations, on the basis that our neutrality—which is only theoretical—places us in an equivocal position with respect to the rest of the countries of this continent.
I can affirm to you, Mr. Secretary, that the Axis countries have nothing to hope for from our Government and that public opinion is daily more unfavorable to them. But this evolution would be more rapid and effective for the American cause if President Roosevelt should make a gesture of genuine friendship toward our people; such a gesture might be the urgent provision of airplanes, spare parts, armaments and machinery to restore Argentina to the position of equilibrium to which it is entitled with respect to other South American countries.
This general and sincere picture of the Argentine situation will explain to you, Mr. Secretary of State, the obstacles—up to now insurmountable—encountered by this Government in fulfilling the last part of its original objectives. On the basis of the loyal understanding that we reciprocally owe to each other, I wish to rely on the spirit of good will with which we shall be heard, which would be a concrete [Page 451] proof of the friendship that this Government is seeking in its present difficult initial period. Moreover, Ambassador Armour, who has penetrated with intelligent and friendly understanding into all the aspects of our complicated internal situation, and who was the confidential recipient of these thoughts, personally expressed by His Excellency the President of the Nation, will be able to convey to you, Mr. Secretary, a more complete personal impression, obtained directly from the present reality of the life of our country.
I am very happy on this occasion [etc.]
- Delivered to the Secretary of State by Ambassador Armour upon his return to the United States, August 14, 1943.↩