860H.01/11–1344
Report by Major Charles W. Thayer of the Independent American Military Mission to Marshal Tito 79
[Belgrade,] 4 November 1944.
- 1.
- The recent Tito–Subasic talks were commenced on or about 23 October somewhere in the Banat whither Dr. Subasic had flown from Bari. According to Dr. Subasic these preliminary conversations took place in a most friendly atmosphere, only the two principals being present, and the broad outlines of the final proposals were soon [Page 1418] agreed to. Both of them had previously received a joint message from Messrs. Eden and Molotov expressing their hope that the conversations would result in the formation of a single unified Yugoslav Government.
- 2.
- On 27 October, Marshal Tito came to Belgrade to place the proposals before the Anti-Fascist Council. On the next day, Dr. Subasic followed him here and met with the Anti-Fascist Council. Apparently, the atmosphere on this occasion was not so friendly. At all events, Dr. Subasic described it to Brig. Maclean, in confidence, as “most difficult”. He was not permitted to be accompanied by any advisers and even his secretary was excluded. During the course of several sessions, the Marshal and Dr. Subasic reached agreement with the Council, and by 30 October the final drafting of the plan for unification of the governments was begun. This final draft was to have been ready by 31 October, but apparently some obstacles were encountered for it was not until the evening of 1 November that the work was completed. The chiefs of the British and Russian Missions were then called in to witness the initialling of the final document. During the course of the conversations, Brig. Maclean saw both Tito and Subasic frequently. Though I did not discuss the matter with Tito himself, Dr. Subasic volunteered to me some comments, stating, in particular, that Tito had proved himself most reasonable, though he had been under considerable pressure from his followers, who as Dr. Subasic expressed it, “desired to accomplish overnight, the aims they had been dreaming of for many years.” Though he did not say so himself, I gather that by “Tito’s followers” he meant the Anti-Fascist Council. There is some evidence that Dr. Subasic himself, who had not been in Serbia since the war began, was somewhat surprised at the extent of Tito’s following and of their determination to break away from the past.
- 3.
- The final agreement which was reached on 1 November is a two-and-one-half page document outlining the plan for unifying the Government.80 A copy thereof, as well as an English translation, were shown to me by Brig. Maclean. It acknowledges, at the outset, the right of the people of Yugoslavia to choose their own form of Government. It then states that in order to preserve the continuity of Government, both internally and in its foreign relations, the Government would continue to be a constitutional monarchy until a duly elected constituent assembly might decide otherwise. The King, however, would not return to Yugoslavia pending the results of a plebiscite, but would, in agreement with Tito, appoint three regents to rule in his absence. (Both Tito and Subasic stated that it was out [Page 1419] of the question for the King to return now as his dynasty and the court in general were held responsible the past three years, and that his return would only cause disorders and might well cost him his life.) It is understood that the three regents decided upon included a 90-year old former head of the Serbian Radical Party,81 a prominent Slovene,82 and a well-known Croat.83 None of them is believed to be more than a figurehead.
- 4.
- The agreement provides for a cabinet including the six members of Dr. Subasic’s Government and the twelve members of the National Committee. Twenty-eight cabinet posts are specifically listed, including a Minister of Construction, a Minister of Reconstruction, and and a Minister of Colonization. Whether the eighteen members of the two governments will by combining several portfolios fill all the posts, or whether other members are to be appointed from outside, is not made clear in the draft. Nor is any minister, including the premier, mentioned by name. At no time have either Tito or Subasic commented on the latter point, but I would hardly be surprised if Tito himself were elected to this post in view of his predominant position in the country.
- 5.
- The agreement ends with a statement that the new government will publish a declaration containing the principles of the new regime. It is to be federated and democratic. The principles enumerated by the Anti-Fascist Council at its second session concerning equality of nationalities within the state are to be reaffirmed. No one nationality is to have preponderance over the others. Freedom of person, freedom of speech, freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom of religion are specifically to be guaranteed in the declaration. The agreement is to be signed by Subasic and Tito.
- 6.
- The signing, however, is to take place only after King Peter has approved the plan. For this purpose Brig. Maclean was asked to go to London with a copy in order to obtain the approval of Prime Minister Churchill and the British Foreign Office. Presumably, if they approve, Peter’s consent will be readily forthcoming. Maclean left by plane on 1 November, planning to return by the 4th or 5th. In the meantime, Subasic has flown to Moscow for three or four days. His purpose in so doing, as explained to Maclean, is to determine for himself Soviet intentions toward Yugoslavia. Apparently the journey is made of his own volition as he has several times asked Maclean whether he thought such a visit might be profitable. The Brigadier on each occasion has expressed the view that it might be most useful.
- 7.
- The question now remains whether the plan will prove acceptable to Moscow and London. Before his departure Maclean stated [Page 1420] that he felt it was the best that could be hoped for, though he readily admitted its shortcomings which he said he would have to point out to his Prime Minister. Since he did not believe that anything Great Britain or the United States could do would result in a more satisfactory document, he was determined to try to obtain quick approval by his authorities and King Peter.
- 8.
- The defects which Maclean had in mind are not obscure. In the first place, the Regency to be named by the King, “in agreement” with Tito apparently will be composed of three figureheads without authority or influence. In the second place, the combined cabinet will have at least twelve of Tito’s followers to six of Dr. Subasic’s. It is this government that will arrange for the coming plebiscite and the constituent assembly. Furthermore, Tito is today the only leader with any real power within the country. His following, whatever its relative size in proportion to the population, is the only organized, armed and active group in Yugoslavia. Thus the new agreement only legalizes his position as the supreme authority in the country. It is believed that he intends to utilize his authority to set up the sort of Government desired by the Anti-Fascist Council and that the plebiscite will in all probability be a “take it or leave it” proposition with no alternative but to express acceptance or rejection of the Council’s platform. Under these conditions, the results are a foregone conclusion.
- 9.
- The above considerations apply solely, so far as this report is concerned, to the manner in which Tito plans to establish a firm government under his command. What his future program is and how he plans to accomplish it, are not under discussion in this report, and it should not be assumed, necessarily, that once he is in power he intends to govern entirely without reference to the desires of the people of Yugoslavia.
Charles W. Thayer