55. The Acting Secretary of State transmits herewith for the
information of the Embassy a copy of the position paper on the
India–Pakistan
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dispute
over Kashmir prepared for the United States Delegation to the
General Assembly of the United Nations.1
[Enclosure]
India–Pakistan Dispute Over Kashmir
the problem
Indications recently received from official sources in India and
Pakistan and from unofficial sources, including Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru’s speech of November 1, 1947,2 are that the current dispute
between India and Pakistan over Kashmir may be referred to the
United Nations for settlement. Pandit Nehru stated in his speech
when discussing the provisional accession of Kashmir to India
that “as soon as Kashmir is free from the invaders our troops
will have no further necessity to remain there and the fate of
Kashmir will be left in the hands of the people of Kashmir”.
Nehru then suggested a referendum in Kashmir “under
international auspices like the United Nations”.
recommendations
We would much prefer that the Kashmir question be settled by
direct negotiation between India and Pakistan. However, in the
event that a resolution requesting the intervention of the
United Nations, and in particular requesting the United Nations
to supervise a referendum in Kashmir, is introduced by India or
Pakistan and supported by the United Kingdom, the United States
Delegation should also support the resolution. Such a resolution
should define the electoral body in terms of universal adult
suffrage.
In the event that a resolution requesting the intervention of the
United Nations should be introduced by a third power (including
any other member of the British Commonwealth) or introduced by
India or Pakistan and opposed by the United Kingdom, the United
States position must be further studied.
comment
It is increasingly apparent that this major difficulty between
India and Pakistan probably cannot be removed without external
assistance, or without resort to further armed conflict which
may eventually involve some or all of the Afghan border tribes.
Despite their vested interests in this area, because of the
peculiarities of their position and the recentness of their
withdrawal, the British are apparently not
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in a position to render this
outside assistance, and rather than have the role fall either to
the United States or to any other single third party, assumption
by the United Nations of the problem would be preferred.
If a resolution of the nature suggested above is introduced, it
will probably be by one of the interested parties. The Dominion
of India may attempt to establish the extant electoral rolls as
the basis for the referendum. As these rolls are said to contain
less than 7% of the population and were compiled on a basis
which served to weight the numbers of the wealthier educated
Hindu minority who would obviously vote for accession to India,
it is important that the electoral body should in fact be
composed on a basis of complete adult suffrage in order that the
result of the referendum may be representative of the actual
wishes of the people of Kashmir.
The practical difficulties of supervising a general referendum in
Kashmir should not be overlooked by the United Nations. No
comprehensive electoral machinery is known to exist for
conducting a general referendum. The population of Kashmir is
scattered, and many sections will soon be isolated by winter.
Few persons other than British political agents and missionaries
have first hand knowledge of the people of Kashmir and finally,
the people of Kashmir are largely illiterate and without
political consciousness.
