501.BC Indonesia/10–2348: Telegram

The Consul General at Batavia (Livengood) to the Secretary of State 1

secret
us urgent

939. Gocus 418. Herewith text letter signed Hatta addressed Cochran dated October 21 mentioned in Gocus 417:2

[Page 431]

“Allow me herewith to disclose impressions which I gathered from reading the Dutch amendments on Cochran plan and from reading Dutch charges that Republic is persisting in subversive activities.

My first impression is that Dutch do not actually want to come to an agreement that is not in line with their preconceived design. The amendments proposed by Dutch radically alter contents and purport of Cochran plan and moreover flagrantly contradict the Renville principles. Ever since the very first negotiations that gave birth other [to the] Renville Agreement, it was clear to me that the Dutch did not have slightest intention to deviate from their original conception of realizing their ideals of a “rijksverband,” making dominion enfolding the Netherlands proper, the Netherlands East Indies and the Netherlands West Indies. In this framework, Indonesia was to have self-government. The Dutch conception of a Netherlands-Indonesia union is that of a super-state, essentially the Kingdom.

In pursuing these ideals, it is primary aim of Dutch to divide Indonesia in order to render it weak and to annihilate the Republic which is the mainstay in the struggle for freedom. This is reason why Dutch in their amendments do not hesitate to propose abolition of the Republic by its disintegration into small parts. It is a tragic fact that while world—after World War II—desires to see sound development of democracy throughout world, the Dutch—as evidenced by their amendments—are attempting to check growth of democracy here. They reject the holding of general elections to form a constituent assembly and reject a democratically formed interim government which would be responsible to a provisional representative body chosen by population. It is obvious that-Dutch have no intention yet to abandon conception of colonial administration.

The function of an interim government, in my view, is to conduct transition from a colonial government to a democratic government of an independent nation. Dutch, however, envisage an interim government that is to be responsible to the Dutch Government. A conception which does not even remotely approach education towards democracy.

In this respect the Dutch underestimate the peoples’ desire for freedom. The history of national movement in Indonesia and evidence of facts give me conviction to state unhesitatingly that whole population of Indonesia desires to be free.

Dutch efforts to enfeeble Indonesia through division will compromise democracy in face of whole world and will be detrimental to Dutch themselves. In global war which is about to break out, it is imperative that in Indonesia there be a strong and living democracy to ward off the totalitarian trend that aims to subjugate world. Dutch efforts to weaken Indonesia so as to retain their de facto authority [Page 432] would only serve to fertilize ground for breeding of totalitarian elements in thought and action. A weak and undemocratic Indonesia would form serious threat to well-being of world.

Neither will Dutch themselves gain by weak Indonesia. In first place, Dutch would be blamed for weakness and for this reason hatred against Dutch would grow. In the end, a complete break will be inevitable. In second place, this weakness would bring about a poor economic structure, decreasing purchasing power and acting disadvantageously on Dutch interests.

I know full well that Dutch fear that in an independent and strong Indonesia there will be no safeguard for their economic interests. I believe that this fear need not be there if Dutch can win confidence of Indonesians, if they recognize situation and if they wholeheartedly aid Indonesia towards goal of independence.

In its political manifesto of November 1, 1945, the Republic of Indonesia recognized the rights of Dutch ownership in Indonesia. To build up its economy, the Republic of Indonesia does not need to fall back on Dutch enterprises here. For purposes of economic reconstruction the Government of Republic of Indonesia intends to create various new industries of its own without prejudicing existing industries. For this single project alone, there is not sufficient capital. The reconstruction of Indonesia can be coordinated with reconstruction of Dutch economy. Various capital goods necessary for work of reconstruction can be ordered from the Netherlands, and orders for these capital goods will certainly extend over several decades, thereby sustaining industry in the Netherlands.

It is an erroneous notion of the Dutch to think that economic progress in Indonesia will be disadvantageous to the Netherlands.

My second impression is that Dutch are advancing charges of subversive activities of Republic only to find a justification for another military action. But it would be well for Dutch to bear in mind that population will react to military action with scorched earth policy. Only side that will gain by this are the Communists.

The Republic Government has submitted evidence to prove that these accusations are false. We do not deny that subversive activities are being carried out by insurgents, who for that matter are also operating in our territory. Many of these subversive bands even come into our territory from occupied areas. Neither do we deny that there have been Communist bands who deliberately resort to provocations by raids into occupied territory with obvious intention to cause serious conflict between Dutch and the Republic, frustrating the negotiations and causing war. In event of war, the whole population of Republic will take part in scorched earth policy. Thus the Communists will succeed to stir chaos everywhere in the interest of Soviet Russia.

[Page 433]

As you may know, the mopping-up operations in which the Republic Army is currently engaged are aimed at complete destruction of insurgent elements and to restore law and order. In an order of day all army units have been instructed to prevent at all costs any provocation by insurgents which would result in a violation of the truce agreement.

As result of incitements and agitations of Communists in ranks of Army, several companies of Siliwangi (West Java) division have deserted to return to an occupied area of West Java. We have duly reported this to the military observers in Jogja. These companies were incited by Communists to return to West Java. The Communists worked on the minds of these units by whispering that here in free territory of Republic they were disliked by population and that government planned to use them in a civil war. And did they want to shoot their brothers? These instigations had effect desired by Communists: the units deserted the army and returned to West Java. This too is a loss caused to us by the Communists. And the Dutch accuse us of infiltrations.

I must emphatically deny accusations that certain units of the Indonesian Neth Army were purposely left behind in West Java when our units were withdrawn from the “pockets of resistance” under terms of the Renville Agreement. I think that it is also known to you that there was only a very short period of time given to our army to withdraw to unoccupied Republic territory. Within that short period we succeeded to evacuate all our army units.

It is admitted that there are irregular groups who have been operating on their own responsibility from the birth of the Republic and who defend their own ideology. These groups have frequently clashed with our army. The Krawang incident is widely known. We do not recognize them as units of our army and are not responsible for their actions.

It might be well for me to stress fact the Government of Republic of Indonesia is anxious to be in a favorable position in confronting the Dutch and any subversive action planned or carried out from Republic territory that can be charged against us as a violation of the truce in [is] condemned as being detrimental to our position. Any such action will prejudice our position, and would create impression that manifestations of spirit of independence and nationalism in occupied territory are being directed by Republic. This will do serious harm to our ideals. And you will understand that we shall not engage in activities that are certain to impair our position. Several months ago, the headquarters of the Indonesian national army issued an order to all army units warning them that severe disciplinary action would be taken against anyone carrying out subversive actions against objectives in occupied territory. This is in accordance with government’s [Page 434] view that actions of such character prejudice position of Republic itself.

I should further like to draw your particular attention to following: we believe and are convinced that large majority of population in occupied territory have their sympathies with Republic and will come out in favor of Republic should a plebiscite be held. For whatever reason then should we stage infiltrations?

The Dutch constantly contend that it is not possible to conduct a plebiscite because there is no peace and no order yet. Could it be conceivable then that we, who are desirous to hold a plebiscite at the earliest possible date, would give substance to Dutch contentions by continuing to stage subversive activities?

I deem it necessary here—to remove any possible misunderstanding—to tell you that there was one section of my department that, under name of Bureau of Cabinet, attended to matters related to the occupied territories. Since the signing of the Renville Agreement the Bureau had following tasks: (1) Prepare population for a plebiscite through information. According to Renville Agreement, a plebiscite was to be held in the areas that in our opinion were regarded as the disputed areas. According to Dr. Graham, both parties prior to the plebiscite were to have opportunity to propagate their respective views, provided that propaganda was not inflammatory. In this connection, the Bureau was entrusted with task of planning a plebiscite movement for Republic. As is known the Dutch have prohibited this movement and have stated as their opinion that the plebiscite was to be held throughout Java, Madura and Sumatra. (2) To attend to welfare of Republic officials and employees in occupied territory and to prepare plans to be submitted for discussion between the RepDel and the NethDel. (3) To attend to welfare of people who evacuated from occupied territory to security in Republic territory. This evacuation took place on a considerable scale since Dutch launched their military action on July 21, 1947. After the Renville Agreement endeavors were to be made through the delegation to effect the return of these people to their original homes.

The Bureau worked openly and many of the results of its activities reached the conference table in discussions between the two delegations under auspices of the GOC.

By reason of fact that the aspects of the plebiscite questions have changed and the fact that the activities mentioned under points 2 and 3 above can be taken in hand by the RepDel, the office will be abolished as of 21st of this month.

These are impressions that I present to you in light of Dutch amendments and charges of violations of the truce agreement made against the Republic.

[Page 435]

This letter has a purely personal character and is for your personal and confidential information.”

Livengood
  1. Repeated in airgram A–240, October 26, to The Hague.
  2. Supra.