219. Letter From President Chiang Kai-shek to President Eisenhower1
Dear Mr. President: I am asking my Foreign Minister, Dr. George K. C. Yeh, who is proceeding to the United States to attend the current session of the United Nations General Assembly, to extend to you in person my sincere felicitations on your re-election to the Presidency of the United States, and to present this personal letter from me,2 which contains some of my thoughts on the current world situation for your consideration. Your re-election is a blessing not only to the American people and the cause of Sino-American friendship, but also to the future of mankind.
The world situation today is, in my opinion, even more serious than what it was four years ago when you first assumed office. For this reason, it presents a greater challenge and a historic opportunity to the free world. The recent revolts in the satellite countries in East Europe foretell the eventual downfall of Soviet imperialism. It is for us now to give every encouragement and support to these forces of freedom so that they may grow in strength and effectiveness. We must never allow them to be ruthlessly suppressed and exterminated by their despotic rulers. For this would bring despair to the peoples behind the Iron Curtain and condemn them to perpetual enslavement.
In recent months, I am much disturbed by the mounting influence of neutralism, particularly in Asia. Disguised as a movement for peace, its evil influence does not seem to have been fully realized by the world at large. In order to combat Communism effectively, I feel [Page 447] that we must at the same time direct our attention to holding neutralism firmly in check, so that the solidarity of the free world may not be impaired and the hopes of the enslaved peoples doomed. I am sure that in your position, you must be keenly aware of the dangerous ramifications of neutralism.
It is gratifying to note that the United States has taken strides in strengthening its own defense and in reinforcing that of the free nations through its military and economic aid programs abroad. This has indeed done much to deter Communist aggression. But Soviet Russia, apart from continuing with its active military preparations, is vigorously pursuing its well-known “protracted warfare” by resorting to all kinds of cold war tactics. As a result, the free world has been outmaneuvered into a passive position and Soviet Russia seems to be able to create situations in times and places of its own choice and to its own advantage.
In these circumstances, it seems to me that while avoiding a direct conflict with Soviet Russia and military involvement abroad, the United States, as the leader of the free nations, should assume the role of a world arsenal for the democracies in combatting Communism. Only thus can the United States make the fullest use of the available manpower and resources of its allies and wrest the initiative from the Communists. This is the only way to prevent the consolidation of the Communist forces and counter their further aggression.
Today, the inherent weaknesses of Communism are already beginning to manifest themselves as serious upheaval and unrest becomes widespread in all areas under Communist control. This might well be a turning point if the free world could take advantage of this favorable development by puncturing the Iron Curtain at its most vulnerable spots in Europe and in Asia. Once the Iron Curtain is punctured, the ensalved peoples behind it will rise in revolt against the Communist tyranny. Confronted with pressure both from within and without, Soviet Russia and its puppet regime in Peiping will be denied the advantage of massing their total strength for repression at home or aggression abroad. I feel that effective measures should be taken to carry out this positive strategy. If, on the contrary, we fail to heed the anguished appeals of the enslaved peoples, we would only prolong and intensify their sufferings while causing them to lose faith in the eventual triumph of freedom over slavery. The tragedy of the recent abortive anti-Communist uprisings in Poland, Hungary, and in Tibet and Sinkiang should be taken as a bitter lesson for the democracies.
I recall how, four years ago at the time of your election, the hopes of the free world were lifted by your farsighted statesmanlike references to the liberation of the captive peoples. Under your able leadership, the free world has made decided progress in its capacity [Page 448] to deter aggression. This has given rise to greater hopes and expectancy on the part of the free world for the eventual deliverance of the enslaved peoples. Your re-election and the greater prestige which you now justly enjoy will make it possible for you to lead the free world to undertake this historic task, upon the outcome of which hinges the fate of mankind and human civilization.
I feel that you have now before you a task far greater in consequence and in the number of lives involved than that which was accomplished by President Lincoln in the emancipation of slaves in the United States. In this, I pledge to you my whole-hearted support and cooperation. As millions of people of the world are looking to you in their continuing struggle for freedom, it is my fervent hope and prayer that, under your leadership in the next four years of office, the world will see not only the emancipation of the captive peoples in Europe as well as in Asia, but also the fulfillment of our long-cherished aspirations for freedom, peace and justice.
My wife and I take this opportunity to send you and Mrs. Eisenhower our best wishes for a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year.
Sincerely yours,
- Source: Department of State, Presidential Correspondence: Lot 66 D 204, Chiang Kai-shek Correspondence.↩
- Foreign Minister Yeh delivered the letter to Secretary Dulles in the Department on December 19. Delivery of the letter gave Yeh an opportunity to engage Dulles in a general discussion of U.S. policy as it pertained to China and the Middle East. A memorandum of this conversation, prepared by Sebald is ibid., Central Files, 611.93/12–1956.↩
- Printed from a copy which bears this typed signature.↩