Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, South and Southeast Asia, Volume XV

328. Telegram From the Embassy in Pakistan to the Department of State¹

Karachi, October 15, 1958—5 p.m.

928. Re Embtel 827.² Martial law in effect in Pakistan week. While it is of course too soon draw up anything like a definitive assessment of revolution, Embassy believes useful submit following tentative balance sheet of first week in new regime.

On plus side:

(1) Pakistan has for first time in ten years a stable, strong, unified government, not yet menaced by political maneuverings, with prospect of continuing in office indefinitely or until it achieves its ultimate stated goal of restoring democracy in some new and limited form “more appropriate” for Pakistan.

(2) Takeover has been accomplished peacefully; there has been no resistance, and army has not had fire single shot so far.

(3) Political arrests have been held down to reasonable minimum; not more than dozen prominent politicians in all are known to have been arrested.

(4) Action has been initiated promptly and vigorously against corruption, black marketing, profiteering, hoarding, smuggling, et cetera; many arrests made, including that of one prominent political personality, M. A. Khuhro, on charge of black marketing.

(5) Prices which under old regime were high and rising rapidly, have stopped rising with many coming down at least temporarily; food prices particularly have dropped appreciably (from 5 to 30 percent declines are reported in many parts of country.) Partial rice controls have been imposed in major cities.

(6) Broom of military administration has started sweep clean; more efficient public services, less filth in streets, less disorder and crime, court cases speeded up, beggars disappearing, et cetera.

(7) Open political strife and tension of past months—reflected in super-abundance of over emotional political speeches and irresponsible political articles in newspapers—has disappeared completely; since coup occurred week ago, not single political speech has been reported, not single political comment or editorial of any kind (except of course articles praising new regime) has appeared in press.

While Ayub–Mirza are riding crest and there is no overt opposition to regime, seeds of future trouble have inevitably been planted and will grow in direct proportion to success or failure present team in coping with Pakistan’s many—and well-recognized—problems and in their ability to convince country of sincerity their intention lead it back towards workable or working democracy.

On minus side:

(1) Dictatorship has destroyed budding constitutional government (admittedly buds were badly blighted) and displaced parliamentary democracy—such as it was—in Pakistan.

(2) National elections which were scheduled for February and which might, conceivably, have laid the foundation for a more stable and more effective democratic government, will not be held.

(3) Military rule by martial law, uncontrolled in practice by any civilian authority, now dominates indirectly every aspect of life in Pakistan (while civilian agencies continue carry on administration “to maximum extent possible”, final power rests mainly and unequivocally with military). There have already been a few—though only few—incidents of innocent civilians getting rough treatment by soldiers.

(4) A serious policy vacuum has been left in governmental structure by disappearance of ministers; while in some departments permanent civil servants appear be carrying on adequately, in others—notable in economic and education areas—absence of initiative, imagination and authoritative competence at policy-making level is beginning be felt.

(5) Basic civil rights, while partly preserved in theory, in practice no longer exist: arrests can be made without warrants, house-to-house searches—allegedly for weapons—being carried out, preventive detention is authorized, no real course is possible against actions under martial law.

(6) Freedom of speech and of press has disappeared; newspapers have been censored which will be lifted today, and in particular no criticism of the present regime is allowed in any form; censorship of incoming periodicals is also partly in effect. Martial law regulations provide heavy penalties for oral as well as written criticism of regime.

(7) Uneasiness and even nascent fear have in past few days begun to make their appearance, whereas at first all was relief and enthusiasm for the new order; many people are beginning to be worried at the absence of any checks on police and of any guarantee of protection against the army’s absolute power. Freedom of thought itself is potentially if not actually threatened: Telephones are being tapped on extensive scale; martial law agents and inspectors are beginning to appear—or to be suspected—everywhere; number of “intellectuals” (editors, newspaper writers, professors, some civil servants, even judges) privately admit they feeling distinctly nervous under increasing degree of police control.

Comment: While unstable and generally unsatisfactory nature of late regime was painfully evident and should not be forgotten, and while Mirza–Ayub dictatorship which replaced it already has number of solid items to its credit on plus side of ledger, Embassy believes it is important point out that first week of martial law in Pakistan has also produced some significant—if perhaps less tangible—items on minus side.

Langley

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, 790D.00/10–1558. Confidential. Repeated to New Delhi.
2. Document 325.