Mr. Riotte to Mr. Fish
Sir: * * * * * * * * *
I had the satisfaction of making President Granados’ personal acquaintance, and conversing with him at a private entertainment given to him at Antigua, and, two days after, at his residence. On the first occasion, during the two hours of my attendance, he spoke with me almost exclusively. Nothing could surpass the fine tact, and, at the same time, exquisite cordiality wherewith he received and treated me. He quite unreservedly detailed his political plans, attentively listened to my observations, and candidly asked my opinion on several subjects. His intention is, by virtue of the dictatorial powers vested in him, and, previous to convening a constitutional assembly, “to lay by several laws the foundations for a truly constituent government, so broad and deep that they could not be eradicated any more.” Among those laws, quite a number of which he enumerated, he accentuated as of special importance the electoral one. He explained that the Indians, composing almost nine-tenths of the entire population, and in every sense far below even our southern “field-hands,” and more in the grasp of the clergy than our slaves ever were in that of their masters, furnished the large majority of representatives; of course, priests or their [Page 681] bondsmen, while the intelligent classes and property-holders were in a small minority. The late government ruled by that majority. This state of affairs President Granados proposes to change principally by lessening the number of representatives from the Indian districts, and increasing that of the educated classes and property-owners. He will not—he said with emphasis—soon call a constituent assembly, that being by the plebiscite, (i. e. a declaration of the army, issued at Tatzasea, and afterwards confirmed by manifests of the various municipalities,) altogether left to him to do “cuando las circumstancias lo permitan,” (when circumstances will permit;). he had not the least apprehension of a reactionary movement from the partisans of the old government, but some of the extremists, whose views and words were now violent in proportion to the long oppression they had been subject to.
President Granados, I am happy to say, is by far the best and most universally instructed person I have met with in Central America. He passed his youth in a Philadelphia college, (a very interesting sketch of John Quincy Adams’s election was one of the features of his communitions;) afterwards resided for years in Europe and Mexico, and for twenty years was the only member in the Guatemala congress that dared to oppose Carrera’s arbitrary rule, which secured him lodgings in Fort San Felipe. He is well versed both in the literature and history of the United States and of the principal European countries. His views, though moderate, are liberal and decided. He sees very plainly that the great incubus of his country is the clergy, and the Jesuits in particular, and he will not spare them if occasion offers, yet he will be very cautious in his course toward them.
The unexpected and complete triumph of the liberal cause in Central America has filled the hearts of all thinking people with a full sense of their deplorable situation and an ardent desire of establishing now some sort of a union among the five republics. President Medina, on the part of Honduras, moved first in the matter, and it is now proposed to send envoys to the city of Salvador to confer upon it. Several republics have already dispatched theirs, and there is no doubt that the others will follow in due time. Some days ago the above-mentioned minister Uriarte, who is in intimate relations with Presidents Medina, Quadra, and Granados, in passing through this city on his way to Honduras, called on me, and in the course of conversation, wherein he communicated to me much valuable information on Central American affairs and leaders, mentioned that, in order to prevent jealousies among the envoys on the presidency of the conference, and also to take advantage of his experience, he would propose that the conference be presided over by one of the United States ministers in Central America, and asked whether I would be disposed to act in that capacity if the offer was made to me. I replied that my resolution would depend on the conditions under which the offer would be made, and upon the consent of my Government.
The ideas on the ways and means to establish, as well as on the form of the union, are, of course, as yet very divergent.
The Honduras press advocates a perfect and full union between that State and Salvador, as a point of crystallization for the other three republics. Mr. Uriarte, in a pamphlet, considers a federation, as proven fifty years ago, altogether out of question, and proposes instead:
1. A rather vague “true and unalterable fraternity between the five republics,” together with the more tangible form of a defensive and offensive alliance against foreign aggression.
2. A formal pact in no case and under no pretext whatever to wage [Page 682] war against each other, with regulations how to settle all differences between one or more of the republics.
3. As a consequence hereof the establishing of a Central American congress or Diet, with power to act as arbitrator.
4. A pledge by all governments to make the decisions of the Diet respected and executed with all means, (con todos sus recursos asi morales como materiales.)
5. Free trade between the republics for all natural and industrial productions.
6. Unification of university degrees and military grades, of coins, weights, and measures.
7. Extradition of criminals, &c., &c.
It cannot be denied that here the germs are presented for a practical and working union and a peaceable and prosperous future of these countries, but I fear there is too much of good things asked for at once.
The question will be whether there will be found wisdom enough in the councils at the outset to make the sacrifices in the independence and sovereignty of the several republics as slight and imperceptible, as reconcilable with the end to be attained, and, on the other hand, whether there will be sufficient forbearance and good sense among the state governments and peoples to honestly submit to those sacrifices and their inevitable consequences.
I am not over-sanguine on either point, but I am persuaded that proposition No. 5, as an initiatory measure, could be carried out, and would, in the course of a few years, form a solid basis for carefully considered further steps in the direction of unification. As authority for my belief I point to the German Zollverein and its result.
*Leon, August 20, 1871. While copying this dispatch I received the Salvador “Boletin Oficial” of the 3d instant, which contains some important facts relative to the union movement, and which I take the liberty of communicating to you, since at present there is no diplomatic or consular representative of the United States in Salvador.
On July 29, Mr. Francisco Alvarado, envoy extraordinary of Honduras to Salvador, for the purpose of submitting to that government the proposition to consolidate the two states into one, was received by President Gonzales. The speeches of the occasion are too lengthy for translation. Mr. Alvarado’s language is very plain and to the point; that of Mr. Gonzales a little more guarded, yet favorable to the plan.
Two days after, Mr. Alvarado delivered a very exhaustive note to the Salvador government on the project, wherein he stated the propositions of his government in detail, as you will perceive from the inclosure.
I have, &c.,