[Extract.]

Mr. Wright to Mr. Seward.

No. 31.]

Sir: Since my last despatch, Austria, in reply to the Prussian note, refuses to disarm unless Prussia does the same, and declines to discuss the question of her military operations any longer, asserting, at the same time, that her southern frontiers are menaced by Italy; promising to refrain from attacking Prussia, as announced in her former note.

If, however, Austria is desirous of bringing matters to a crisis, she will easily succeed in discovering a pretext for attacking Prussia without violating the above promise. She only has to refer the Schleswig-Holstein affair to the German confederation, encouraging that body to recognize the duke of Augustenborg as the sovereign of the duchies, and establish his authority against the opposition of the Prussian government. In fact, Austria has already threatened to establish the duke in his alleged inheritance, independent of the German confederation. Prussia, in her recent correspondence, refuses to acknowledge the title of the duke of Augustenborg upon the grounds of the legitimacy of his descent, and claims it cannot be sufficiently authenticated. In this connection, Prussia refuses to acknowledge the rights of the German confederation to take cognizance and jurisdiction of the Schleswig-Holstein question. The reasons urged for this view of the subject are the following: 1st. The duchies have been conquered by Prussia and Austria and not by the German confederation. 2d. By the treaty of Gastein, made a year ago, Prussia and Austria agreed to settle and adjust the Schleswig-Holstein question by and between themselves, without the interference of any third party. 3d. Prussia being a great power and having practically to defend the northern states of the confederacy against foreign aggression, cannot be expected to recognize that clause in the federal statutes which authorized the confederation to settle disputed questions of inheritance. The confederation, consisting of a majority of minor princes, would hand over the duchies to the duke of Augustenborg, were it for no other purpose than that of adding another secondary sovereign to the list. 4th. Prussia alleges, with much force, that the federal act providing “that all quarrels and controversies between members of the confederacy shall be referred to the federal Diet,” has been practically disregarded by Austria, and often by the more powerful members of the confederacy, since the date of its organization in 1815. It is most probable, however, if Austria persists in introducing this question to the German confederation, and demands an expression from the members composing the Diet, she will be disappointed in receiving an answer the one way or the other. The past history of this organization presents many instances of the introduction of important questions that have been referred to committees, who never report thereon, thus passing over the whole subject. If such should be the action upon this subject, and a few days or weeks will determine the same, war, at least for the present; would be avoided. Prussia would retain Schleswig without aspiring after Holstein, and Austria would rule Holstein without handing it over to the duke of Augustenborg or trying to repel Prussia from Holstein. In this view of the question the Emperor of Austria, if desirous of going to war, would then be obliged to attack Prussia, and fight without the sanction and support of the German confederation. This he will not do.

During the past week the order of the King calling out five of the nine army corps, has been carried out, embracing two hundred thousand men. They are distributed over the central and southeastern provinces, Brandenburg, Saxony, Posen, and Silesia, and placed on a war footing. In addition thereto, the remaining four corps of Rhineland, Westphalia, Pomerania, and East Prussia are [Page 22] also put on a war footing. To-day Prussia has at least four hundred thousand men under arms or in the process of organization. This number can be increased to six hundred thousand.

To-day his Majesty dissolved, by proclamation, the present Landtag, and we shall soon have a new election. His Majesty’s ministers are under the impression, a new election (under the present condition of the country) will result in returning a body of men more favorable to the present policy of the government. This is not believed, the general impression being that the new elections will result in returning (if possible) a body of men more unfavorable and hostile to the present policy of the government than the past house. This may be true, yet such is the universal desire for a united Germany, among the fifty millions of people speaking the German language, that if, in the midst of the present excitement, with more than a million of men under arms, the King and his ministers should issue a proclamation looking distinctly to this object alone, We should soon have a united Prussian government, people, and Landtag. Whether this is to be accomplished by war or otherwise, time alone must determine.

The brutal attack made upon Count Bismarck caused great excitement. I called immediately upon him, congratulating him upon his providential deliverance. His presence of mind was very remarkable. He was not injured and has been in regular attendance upon all his duties ever since the attack. I forward a copy of an extra issued immediately after.

* * * * * * * * *

I have the honor to be, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOSEPH A. WRIGHT.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[Extra.—Translation.]

About 5 o’clock Monday afternoon, as Count Bismarck was returning on foot from a cabinet meeting at the King’s palace, while passing through the middle walk of Unter den Linden, he was attacked by an unknown individual. Two shots were fired, both of which missed the count. Count Bismarck turned and seized the man, who, during the struggle, fired three more shots—the last with his left hand—one of them passing through the garments of the minister and producing a slight contusion on his person. The count held the man until assistance came, and handed him himself over to the police, and continued his walk home.

The would-be assassin committed suicide by cutting his throat at the police bureau.