Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress

[Extract.]

Mr. Wright to Mr. Seward.

No. 32.]

Legation of the United States, Berlin, May 17, 1866.

Sir: * * * * * * * *

The war excitement during the past week absorbs every other subject; business of all kinds has felt its influence; manufacturers and traders seem to be seized with a panic; and, losing thousands, many of them will become bankrupt. The best Prussian stocks have depreciated from twenty to fifty per cent. Many large meetings are being held throughout the country and delegates appointed to visit the King, urging peace and protesting against war. Some two thousand workingmen met a few days since in Berlin, and while resolving for the maintenance of the constitutional rights of the country, they strongly protested against giving a dollar of money, under the present ministry, for the war, until the national prerogatives of the Prussian Parliament, and the rights of the people, are restored. There is nothing of importance in the further correspondence between Prussia and Austria. Prussia adheres strictly to the letter of the Gastein convention for the settlement of the Schleswig-Holstein question; Austria will present the subject to the German confederation. They will evade it, or most likely determine that they will not take the subject under consideration until both parties disarm. The policy of the smaller states (except Bavaria) is to remain neutral, decide nothing, as they are well aware, if the war becomes general, it will sweep their states and dynasties overboard. It is believed today that Austria will evacuate Holstein, place her troops in Hanover, and leave the duke of Augustenborg to take possession of Holstein. In that event, he would undoubtedly be driven out by the Prussian troops. There is to be a mass meeting next week at Frankfort, of the members of the various German parliaments. If they decide anything on the Schleswig-Holstein question, it will undoubtedly be favorable to the claims of the duke of Augustenborg. The question is often asked “What is Count Bismarck aiming at ?” I answer, his grand object is to make a great northern German nation, including Frankfort, making the Main the southern line. To accomplish this, he is endeavoring to disconnect Prussia from the German confederation.

The evidence in support of this view is to be seen in his strong note to Saxony and his threatening letter to occupy the military roads of Hanover, in connection with the conduct of Prussia as a member of the German confederation. Prussia once free from the German confederation, Prussian troops will soon be found located in Hanover, Brunswick, Hesse-Cassel, and the other small northern states. This can be brought about without fighting, as none of these states would attack Prussia. It is conceded, if we have a general war in Europe, great efforts will be made to form one German nationality. But I doubt not Count Bismarck believes, if Prussia was disconnected from the German confederation, he could make such alliances with southern Germany as will bring about the formation of two German nationalities, one northern, the other southern, and accomplish it without hostilities.

There is no treaty of alliance yet concluded between Prussia and Italy. The diplomatic corps generally believe that war is inevitable. I still believe the five great powers will unite on some plan by which peace will be preserved; most likely, so far as the Schleswig-Holstein question is concerned, by submitting it to the people. If so, Count Bismarck will unquestionably lose his power. I send you an article from The France, published two days since in Paris.

* * * * * * * * *

I have the honor to be, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOSEPH A. WRIGHT.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[Untitled]

The France publishes an article in large type, so as to attract attention, entitled “La Guerre ;” I notice the following sentences:

“In case of war breaking out between Germany and Italy, there is but one opinion in Paris as well as in the departments, and that is entirely in accordance with the neutrality which M. Rouher announced to the Corps Legislatif, in the name of the Emperor. The Emperor, who watches public opinion so attentively, is perfectly aware that if he yielded to impulse, and sacrificed the blood and gold of France for the mere sake of an ally, he would not be supported by the popular feeling. * * What France wishes for is that Francis Joseph should honorably renounce the domination of Venetia. Between the cabinet of Vienna and that of Austria [Italy ?] there is but one obstacle, and that is Venice. Let Venice be free to-morrow, and Austria will then find in France, as well as in Italy, its most devoted supporter to aid her in maintaining her influence in Germany, as well as in the west.

“As to Prussia,” adds The France, “it only excites the animosity of our national feelings. The conduct of the Prussians during the disastrous period of the invasion, is still remembered in the eastern department. At Waterloo it is remembered that Blucher claimed for his soldiers the privilege of harassing our flying troops. The present policy of Prussia is not calculated to attenuate the bitterness which these souvenirs evoke. M. de Bismarck is not a statesman of our times, our traditions, or of our manners. Audacity does not constitute genius, and the spirit of adventure cannot be mistaken for true policy.”

If, as has been asserted, Italy has entered into some secret engagement with Prussia, I can only recommend her to peruse this article of The France, which, to my idea, entirely responds to the general feelings of France. I will even add more. Were the Emperor to side with Prussia, and make cause commune with De Bismarck, I would not answer for the consequences.