File No. 862.002/35
The Minister in Denmark ( Egan) to the Secretary of State
[Received November 6, 6.45 p.m.]
1533. Although the Reichstag was not permitted to have a voice in selecting the new Chancellor, his candidacy for the first time in German history was submitted to the Reichstag for its approval. Faced with the Emperor’s offer of the post to Hertling, the press of Reichstag Majority parties, reflecting the attitude of the leaders in the interparty conferences, adopted a distinctly hostile tone and at one time Hertling’s acceptance which he apparently made conditional upon promised support in the Reichstag seemed very doubtful. The hostile tone was changed to one of sceptical gratification following Hertling’s conferences lasting two days with the party leaders during which he apparently conceded the demands of their program which was partially outlined in Legation’s No. 1508, October 29, 7 p.m.,1 except in reference to setting aside article 9 of the Constitution which prevents members of the Reichstag from being at the same time members of the Bundesrat or of the Government. As a concession he seems to have promised to fill three important Government posts with Reichstag members.
In these proceedings the press of all colors sees a most distinct break with the old system which the Radicals and Liberals greet as a precedent which will be further developed in the future though they agree that everything including their support depends upon how well the new Chancellor carries on their program. Their sceptical attitude is largely based on Hertling’s past unfriendliness towards parliamentarism. The Socialists even refuse to bind themselves [Page 294] through the acceptance of a ministerial post for one of their members.
The Pan-German and big business papers are loud in their denunciations of the change to the parliamentary system wherein they see gross violations of the rights and dignity of the Crown. Some Conservative papers are more reserved, are evidently bent on trying to undermine the position of the Majority parties by luring Hertling away from a foreign policy conducted by Kühlmann and based upon the German answer to the Pope and by calling up the spectre of future Socialist preponderance and intimate that in future Conservatives cannot be held responsible for governmental mistakes.
The greatest fear of these two opposition groups undoubtedly arises, however, from the now almost certain prospect of electoral reform in Prussia, the bill for which, it is stated, has already received the Royal approval and which if correctly reported actually creates liberal modern franchise conditions. The bureaucratic militarist press foresees therein the eventual demolition of the great stronghold of Junkerdom from which they ruled the Empire.
Interesting evidence of the trend of events is given by Billow’s attempts to jump aboard the parliamentary band wagon as it is reported that he had the Majority parties informed of his willingness to accept their program if they would support his candidacy.
The significance of Hertling’s appointment and the break with tradition and precedent which it represents lies largely in three factors: his parliamentary experience and supposed intention to follow parliamentary methods; accession to south German desire for more influence in the Empire; gratification of the Catholics and consequent guarantee of strong support of Center Party so necessary to Reichstag Majority and which in principle is against the Socialists. The ruling authorities have evidently attempted to offset the large net concession granted to liberalism by strengthening as much as possible their present position against future demands.
- Not printed.↩